アンジェイ・ワイダ：「カチンの森」 Wajda Katyn in Japan
「カタロニア賛歌」とアンジェイ・ワイダ http://ima-ikiteiruhushigi.... Film re-opens Katyn wound (VIDEO 2:45) http://news.bbc.co.uk/playe... Film reopens Poland's Katyn wound http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/... 映画｢カチン｣公式サイ...
「カタロニア賛歌」とアンジェイ・ワイダ
http://ima-ikiteiruhushigi.cocolog-ni...
Film re-opens Katyn wound (VIDEO 2:45)
http://news.bbc.co.uk/player/nol/news...
Film reopens Poland's Katyn wound
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/702...
映画｢カチン｣公式サイト：Katyń - film Andrzeja Wajdy
http://www.postmortem.netino.pl/
アンジェイ・ワイダ 祖国ポーランドを撮り続けた男
http://www.veoh.com/videos/v142220982...
The last sceen with the traditional Polish dance.
The good Lord God gave the director two eyes - one to look into the camera, the other to be alert to everything that is going on around him.
Andrzej Wajda
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I will speak in Polish because I want to say what I think and feel and I always thought and felt in Polish.
I accept this greeat honor not as a personal tribute, but as a tribute to all of Polish cinema.
The subject of many of our films was the war, the atrocities of Nazism and the tragedies brought by communism.
This is why today I thank the American friends of Poland and my compatriots for helping my country rejoin the family of democratic nations, rejoin the Western civilizations, its institutions and security structures.
My fervent hope is that the only flames people will encounter will be the great passions of the heart--love, gratitude and solidarity.
On April 2, 2000, Andrzej Wajda donated his Oscar statuette to the Muzeum of Jagiellonian University in Cracow. The statuette will be exposed together with earlier Wajda's gifts: La Palme d'Or from Cannes and Golden Lion from Venice.
Andrzej Wajda - biography
WAJDA, Andrzej ; Polish film and theatrical director; born March 6th 1926 in Suwalki; son of Jakub Wajda and Aniela Wajda;
ed. Acadademy of Fine Arts,Cracow; High Film School, Lodz;
Film Director 1954 - ; Theatre Director Teatr Stary ,Cracow 1962 - 1998.
Man.Director Teatr Powszechny Warsaw 1989-90;
Hon.member Union Polish Artist and Designers (ZPAP)1977.
Pres.Polish Film Asscn.1978-83 . "Solidarity" Lech Walesa Council 1981 - 1989.
Senator of the Republic of Poland 1989 - 1991.
Member Presidential Council for Culture 1992- 94.
Founder: Center of Japanese Art and Technology, Cracow 1994.
Prizes: click here
Order of the Banner of Labor (second class)1975;
Officer's Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta;
Order of Kirill and Methodus (first class), Bulgaria 1978;
Oficier, Legion d'Honneur 1982;
Order of Rising Sun, Japan 1995.
Films: click here
Polish Television Theatre: click here
Theatre: click here
The Birthplace
My family comes from the village of Szarow. Not far away, several miles from Szarow, in the Brzeziow graveyard, lies my granfather, Kazimierz Wayda, still spelt with a "y". These country origins seem essential to me, since from this tiny village, from this place and this family came four young men, all of which became educated people, members of the intelligentsia. One of them was my father, so I am only second generation intelligentsia myself. I think that there was a kind of strength in these young men, who left everything behind because they believed that all their future is before them. At the age of 16 my father joined the Legions (a Polish liberation corps in the I World War), where he became an officer. The second brother found employment as a railway official and until the outbreak of the Second World War he held the post of a director in the Krakow Railways. The third set up a large locksmith's shop, where I worked during the German occupation; the youngest brother, who was a promising farmers' activist, died prematurely.
I think that the force that drove these boys to run away, to avoid staying in one place because life was somewhere else... that I am also driven in this way... I have never wanted to live in places where I was thrown by chance, instead I strove for places which - it seemed to me - I should reach.
So after the war ended I travelled to Krakow, because I thought that my destiny lies at the Krakow Academy of Fine Arts. Then I went to Lodz, because of the foundation of the Film School - the only one in existence at the time - where I thought my place was. Then I left Lodz for Warsaw, because it was where all the filmmaking decisions were made and, besides, a person simply ought to live in Warsaw. And then I returned to Krakow once more, because the Stary Theatre was here. It always seemed to me that life wasn't here and now, not in this place where I was living, not in this film I was making - although every single one of my films and theatre productions was made with the conviction that it is meaningful and important. But I always thought that there is something more before me, that I should be running, striving, chasing this something... it is very difficult to define. I think that escape is the most important theme of my life, continually linking my past to the things that will happen tomorrow. I think that the energy which drove my father and his brothers, was exactly the same energy which I sense in myself, the energy which, so to speak, forced me to work so intensively and to run so hard from this pastoral landscape. Perhaps I should have spent my life looking at these mountains and doing nothing else...
An excerpt of a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The War and Occupation
After the death in 1903 of their father, Kazimierz Wayda, all his sons (my father was 3 at the time) moved to Krakow and helped each other get an education. They were in Krakow again in the 30's, when they restored the house, their only piece of property. At the back of the house was the locksmith's shop; in this house, on the second floor, I used to hide during the occupation. And I must say that my uncles were so discreet (I think that this is a virtue of our family) that only after the end of the war I found out that in the same house they also concealed Jews.
So, thanks to my father's brothers, I was able to survive the occupation; I probably owe them my life, because my papers (documents) were very insufficient. I had to stay at home, I was scared even to go to the tram stop, because there was always some kind of control going on. Of course, it might seem that all I did here was just hide out with my family, but my uncles were extremely serious about all of this. There were several people employed here, we all had normal, everyday tasks, from which I returned late in the evening. If I still had any strength left I climbed out on this balcony, and here I painted some landscapes of the Salwator district. Sitting somewhere near the house I also painted this stream, and this was practically all I managed to do besides the hard work in my uncles' workshop, where I had to go every day.
This work later helped me understand what physical labour really means, what it means to work every day, to go to work in the morning, and when later, in the 50's, there was talk about the workers, the working class, I could say to myself "I have also been a worker". It was not strange to me.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
Parents
My father was an officer, a junior lieutenant in the Polish Army. My mother was a teacher; she graduated from a teaching college and worked at a Ukrainian school. So they were a typical intelligentsia marriage. My father was promoted very quickly and he was moved to Suwalki, to the 41st Infantry Regiment garrison. And that's where I was born. Officers were constantly transferred from one garrison to another, so my father soon moved to Radom.
Professions such as a teacher or a military officer are directed towards other people. A teacher teaches children, an officer also educates, in a sense, disciplining the soldiers in his care. So both are people who work for others, not only for themselves. I think this quality was very distinct among the Polish intelligentsia in those times and I didn't know that a person could behave otherwise. You live for others, not for yourself.
And suddenly, in 1939, everything collapsed. My father was lost; he went to war and never came back. My mother could not stay at home, she had to go to work, we became workers. Our intelligentsia family found itself in completely different surroundings. I was 13 when the war broke out, so the only things I retained were the things that my home, school and the church had given me until that age.
My father, Jakub Wajda, lived only to the age of 40. He was captain in the 72nd Infantry Regiment and died at Katyn. But until 1989 we were not allowed to make an inscription on the family tomb, saying where he was killed. The censorship was so strict and the ban on all information on this subject so rigorous that when I recently tried to find a copy of the newspaper, published by Germans during the war, with the list of Katyn victims, my father's name among them, it turned out that the paper simply did not exist. Some mysterious hand removed the relevant copies from the library collection, so the experience of living through perhaps the most shocking moment of my life, when I could find out from a German paper that my father had been murdered, was denied to me.
War put an end to my country life - and to my pastoral life, because all childhood seems pastoral. Because of the war I finally could and had to make my own decisions, I knew I could no longer rely on anyone, everything now depended on me and only on me.
My father considered it natural that I should go into the Army. In 1939 I went to Lwow to enroll into the Cadets' School, but unfortunately I failed. I had always tried to have something to draw, I deemed this more interesting than other occupations, but nobody knew what should come out of it. During the occupation I realized, however, that I want to do this professionally and for a few months I attended drawing lessons at an art school owned by a professor from Lodz, which the Germans still allowed at that time. But the occupation became inceasingly more brutal, further education was out of the question, the usual choice was to hide or to work in a firm which could supply good papers - that is documents, which would allow us to go out in the street and move about in a normal way.
My mother came to Krakow near the end of her life, in 1950. My brother and I were already students at the Fine Arts Academy, and she was left behind alone in Radom. Our father didn't return from the war. We still had some hope, but in 1950 we were fairly certain that he won't come back. So our mother moved in with us, to our home in the Salwator district, and when she died prematurely - she was only 50 - she was buried here, because this is the Wajda family tomb and our uncles decided that she should remain here.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The Fine Arts Academy
The Fine Arts Academy was, and still is, named after Jan Matejko. In 1945 it experienced an influx of Paris-educated professors, who painted beautifully in the French postimpressionist manner.
But we soon realized that this was a contradiction. Here we were, painting nudes, flowers and still lives in the best French spirit, but our personal experience, our world, were quite different. We had seen the occupation and all its filth, we worked in factories. My fellow students often came straight from the Army, some of them still in uniform - nobody had any clothes to speak of, so everyone wore a uniform (I also dressed in my father's uniform which I had dyed navy blue) - but they came straight from the Army, dressed in battle green, and our shared experince was inconsistent with our painting. We felt we had another story to tell, but our painting expressed what we meant very incompletely - or not at all.
Here we had seen the smoking chimneys of the crematoriums, the arrests, the street roundups, the Warsaw uprising - and they were like Cézanne, who when he was asked, What did you do when the Prussians advanced on Paris? answered, I painted some landscape studies. They, our professors, dared to paint lanscapes and still lives during the war. And it was a kind of resistance against this... against this war and all the things that the German occupation brought to Poland. But now the war had ended and we thought that we should meet painting in a different way. That's why we could not agree... Later it turned out that this conflict perfectly suited the current cultural policy of the authorities.
What was going on?
The year was 1945 and 46 - I enrolled at the Academy in 46. After the party union in 1948 there was a lot of confusion - of an ideological character, so to speak. But socrealism already started taking shape and there was demand for a kind of painting which would represent the new reality: the workers, farmers, all the things which the new policy brought. All this actually boiled down to was planned sovietization of Poland. We liked to paint these other subjects, but we never thought that we would be required merely to imitate Soviet painting. I think that at this point many people left the Academy; they understood that it's simply not possible, that this kind of art has no artistic future,
The thing that today moves me most in the Academy rooms is the smell. It has haunted me for years, this smell of the workshop, of paint... This smell is always with me, and today, when I stand in this studio, I think that this is the place where I could have been happy. But at that time I didn't have enough strength, character, willpower, tenacity. There were other, more talented people, and I was married for the first time. My wife turned out to be a fantastic painter and this also sort of put me off. I had to find another group of friends, another college, another place for myself.
I studied at the Academy for three years. By the end of the third year I realized that I was rather lost, and then, completely by chance, I read in some weekly magazine that the Film School is searching for students. So I decided to leave Krakow for Lodz.
But Lodz was no longer a school to me. I think that whatever I learned or thought or found out about art, was here, in Krakow. Regardless of all our arguments and our criticism of our professors, here we talked about art and thought in terms of art. But the Film School was a technical college - there we talked about how to make a film, how to orient ourselves in the political situation, how to show this subject or another.
But what did it all mean, and why film should be an art, these things I learned here. For a long time I kept hoping that I could paint something, because they told me that in old age you can still paint something good. I don't think this is true. To paint something in old age I should have achieved two things when I was young - I should have found my own way of painting and my own subject. And then, even if I had abandoned painting for a time and then taken it up again, I could have used this experience. But it didn't happen this way, so now I can only be a person who comes, looks and understands.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
Krakow
In 1950 together with my fellow students from Lodz I went to Nowa Huta. We were making a student movie - a feature - about the construction of the first socialist city in Poland. And so I gained the opportunity to see it all. At the beginning there was nothing here, only fields, but we all believed that the country people really needed such a city, because the villages were overpopulated. The idea was to create something that would transform Krakow. Krakow voted against the communists, so obviously it was necessary to create a community which would infuse this lifeless Krakow with its ideology.
Instead we found ourselves in a lifeless city, while Krakow was alive as never before, as if through an act of historic justice. And this city, intended to be a threat to Krakow, became in fact a kind of provincial little town, seemingly hundreds of miles distant from Krakow, a town where there is nothing of interest, where nothing happens, a town which nobody cares about.
I think that this is a kind of lesson in history, that you can't violate certain things, that there are places which radiate their culture. Krakow radiated culture and that is why it could not be destroyed.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The Film School
In the 1950's the Film School was an ideological school. There were no such schools before and this one had no tradition. So it was meant to be a school for "janissaries", intended to educate a film elite, so to speak, which would later become an ideological commando and play a decisive role in the political and social transformations in Poland.
Our professors and teachers were people who before the war sympathized with the left and who just now, at the end of the war, thought that the day had come for them to play their part.
But there emerged an unforeseeable contradiction. These people, our teachers, were educated people who understood what was going on in Poland, and though they deferred to this ideology, they did not completely lose their wits. So, for example, Andrzej Munk could not make a film with a consumptive hero (I was to play that hero because I was terribly thin), he could not make it even as a student etude, because to show a victim of consumption was considered just too pessimistic. On the other hand, the majority of our post-war colleagues came out "from the forest", from the resistance movement, infected with tuberculosis. This disease at the time really took its toll among the intelligentsia, and not only intelligentsia.
But, at the same time, our rector Jerzy Toeplitz brought from Paris a whole collection of French avant-garde movies - not the Russian avant-garde, not Eisenstein, but precisely French. And so I was able to see the "Le Ballet Mécanique", "Le Chien d'Andalousie", "L'Age d'Or" and "Le Ballet Mécanique" once again, all the films which opened my eyes to a completely different kind of cinema, films which we not only never had made, but never had even seen. The inconsistency was fantastic: on the one hand our professors at the school wanted us - perhaps as a way of justification - to make all these socrealist movies, and, on the other, they brought us closer to real art.
Jerzy Toeplitz viewed our school as belonging to a greater body of European film colleges, and not as some provincial school somewhere in the Polish city of Lodz.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The 1989 Crisis
I could have been sent to Auschwitz; by a strange twist of fate it didn't happen. I could have been arrested and sent to Germany as a slave labourer. I had a little luck, but this is a country where you actually have to find excuses for your luck. Because it is also true that all those who were braver, more determined, more desperate, more eager to take up arms, are mostly dead. And it must be said that these certainly were the best people.
Now, when we have freedom, so to speak, everyone asks me: OK, but why is it that you were successful while others weren't? Why could you make films while others couldn't? And could these films be right, if they were made in a state film studio and financed with state money? How is this possible? Which means that it would be better if I had spent my life doing nothing. And indeed, these people, who did nothing, have a ready excuse.
But what did we want? We only wanted to expand a little the limits of freedom, the limits of censorship, so that films such as "Popiol i diament" could be made. We never hoped to live to see the fall of the Soviet Union, to see Poland as a free country. We thought that all we could do was to expand this limit, so that the party wouldn't rule by itself but would have to admit the voice of the society it was ruling. If you want to participate in a reality created by an alien power, enforced by a historical situation, then you always risk taking part in some ambiguous game.
I saw quite soon that it was better to remain independent, that a party artist didn't really have more options only because he was allowed to make a film, permitted to do things apparently forbidden to others - quite the opposite.
The party controlled its members even more strictly. It summoned them and said: Why? You see, you know, why do you act this way? Why don't you follow the party line? But I couldn't be spoken to in this way, for I didn't have to follow the party line. I was a filmmaker. Of course, I didn't join the party, not only because my father wouldn't have joined the party, not because my mother wouldn't have thought it right, but simply because I was beginning to have a mind of my own.
All my life I was determined to have a kind of independence. Which is very funny, because there isn't a person more dependent than a film director. He depends on the people with whom he makes the film. He depends on the people for whom he makes the film. Not only on the audience, but also on those who make the film possible. Regardless of the political system, whether it is Poland or America, France or Bulgaria, it is the same everywhere. And this dependence is incomparably stronger. But it seemed to me that this might spring from the strong character of my father, of my whole family, who roused themselves and went away from these fields. The young people who left these villages - some went only in search of bread, but others also in search of bread and success. And immortality. To really become someone and decide not only for themselves but also for others.
Andrzej Wajda - Why Japan?
During the German occupation, which I spent in Krakow, I had to hide because my papers were very unsatisfactory. I went to town just once, when I found out that at the Sukiennice Hall there is an exhibition of Japanese art. I didn't know where the collection came from and who had assembled it here, in Krakow. Japan was a German ally during the war, so the Governor-General Frank, who resided at the Wawel Castle, decided to organize an exhibition as a homage to Japan and used this collection. I took a risk and slipped into the Sukiennice and I must say it was an incredible adventure. I remember every detail to this day and I think that the Japanese Centre, standing today by the Vistula river, originated to a large degree from the extraordinary event, which was my encounter with Japanese art here, in Krakow.
Many years later, when my films became well-known and I went abroad a lot, I was also noticed in Japan where I was awarded the prestigious "Kyoto Prize", which is the Japanese equivalent of the Nobel Prize. In short, I received an enormous amount of money - 340 000 USD was a sum beyond my imagination. In all my life I had never earned as much from a Polish movie and I thought - my wife, Krystyna, was of the same opinion - that this is a good moment to consider Japan in Krakow, because this huge collection, about 15 000 various objects, works of art, should be found a place here. Arata Isosaki made a drawing, he came here earlier, and we were standing on the terrace at the Wawel Castle, and he just looked. The city propsed several locations, but in his opinion it was best to build near water, because the most beautiful buildings in the world are built on the waterside. So he selected this location and then the political situation changed suddenly. The new voyevoda was a man who supported this project - Mr. Tadeusz Piekarz, who offered this plot for our Centre. The building was constructed in 15 months. Owing to the government of Japan and to the Railwaymen Union, which also donated a large sum of money for this purpose, Japan suddenly came into existence in Krakow.
Films
1955 Pokolenie [Generation]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Bohdan Czeszko, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Tadeusz Lomnicki, Urszula Modrzynska, Tadeusz Janczar, Roman Polanski, Ryszard Kotas, Janusz Paluszkiewicz, Zbigniew Cybulski
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1957 Kanal
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Stefan Stawinski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Jan Krenz
Cast: Wienczyslaw Glinski, Teresa Izewska, Tadeusz Janczar, Emil Karewicz, Wladyslaw Sheybal, Stanislaw Mikulski, Teresa Berezowska, Tadeusz Gwiazdowski, Adam Pawlikowski and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1958 Popiol i diament [Ashes And Diamonds]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Wojcik
Second Director: Janusz Morgenstern
Music: Jan Krenz, Michal Kleofas Oginski
Cast: Zbigniew Cybulski, Ewa Krzyzewska, Waclaw Zastrzezynski, Adam Pawlikowski, Bogumil Kobiela
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Jerzy Andrzejewski's book Popiol i diament is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1959 Lotna
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Wojciech Zukrowski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Second Director: Janusz Morgenstern
Music: Tadeusz Baird
Cast: Jerzy Pichelski, Adam Pawlikowski, Jerzy Moes, Mieczyslaw Loza, Bozena Kurowska, Karol Rommel, Roman Polanski
1960 Niewinni czarodzieje [Innocent Sorcerers]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, Jerzy Skolimowski
Director of Photography: Krzysztof Winiewicz
Music: Krzysztof Trzcinski-Komeda
Cast: Tadeusz Lomnicki, Krystyna Stypulkowska, Wanda Koczewska, Zbigniew Cybulski, Roman Polanski, Krzysztof Trzcinski-Komeda, Kalina Jedrusik-Dygatowa and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1961 Samson
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Kazimierz Brandys, based on his novel and Andrzej Wajda
Director of Photography: Jerzy Wojcik
Music: Tadeusz Baird
Cast: Serge Merlin, Alina Janowska, Elzbieta Kepinska, Tadeusz Bartosik, Wladyslaw Kowalski, Jan Ciecierski, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Roman Polanski and others.
1962 Sibirska Ledi Magbet [Siberian Lady Macbeth]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Sveta Lukic, based on a short story by Nikolai Leskov
Director of Photography: Aleksander Sekulovic
Music: Dusan Radic
Cast: Olivera Markowic, Ljuba Tadic, Miodrag Lazarevic, Bojan Stupica and others.
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1962 L'amour à vingt ans [Love At Twenty]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Stefan Stawinski
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Jerzy Matuszkiewicz
Cast: Barbara Kwiatkowska-Lass, Zbigniew Cybulski, Wladyslaw Kowalski
1965 Popioly [Ashes]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor Rylski, based on the novel by Stefan Zeromski
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Second Director: Andrzej Zulawski
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Pola Raksa, Boguslaw Kierc, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Piotr Wysocki, Jozef Duriasz, Wladyslaw Hancza, Jadwiga Andrzejewska, Stanislaw Zaczyk, Jan Swiderski, Jan Nowicki and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stefan Zeromski's book Popioly is available at the Merlin bookstore
1968 The Gates To Paradise
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, based on his novel
English dialogs: Donald Howard
Director of Photography: Mieczyslaw Jahoda
Music: Ward Swingle
Cast: Lionel Stander, Ferdy Mayne, Jenny Agutter, Mathieu Carrière and others.
Jerzy Andrzejewski's story Bramy raju is available at the Merlin bookstore
1968 Przekladaniec [Roly Poly]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Stanislaw Lem, based on his short story
Director of Photography: Wieslaw Zdort
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Bogumil Kobiela, Ryszard Filipski, Anna Prucnal, Jerzy Zelnik and others.
1969 Wszystko na sprzedaz [Everything For Sale]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Andrzej Lapicki, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Elzbieta Czyzewska, Daniel Olbrychski and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1969 Polowanie na muchy [Hunting Flies]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Janusz Glowacki, based on his story
Director of Photography: Zygmunt Samosiuk
Music:Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Malgorzata Braunek, Zygmunt Malanowicz, Daniel Olbrychski, Ewa Skarzanka, Hannna Skarzanka and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles) as Fury Is A Woman
1970 Brzezina [Birch Wood]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz, based on his short story
Director of Photography: Zygmunt Samosiuk
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Emilia Krakowska, Olgierd Lukaszewicz, Marek Perepeczko and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1970 Krajobraz po bitwie [Landscape After the Battle]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Brzozowski and Andrzej Wajda, based on the novel by Tadeusz Borowski
Director of Photography: Zbigniew Samosiuk
Music: Antonio Vivaldi, Fryderyk Chopin, Zygmunt Konieczny
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Stanislawa Celinska, Tadeusz Janczar, Mieczyslaw Stoor, Leszek Drogosz, Aleksander Bardini, Stefan Friedmann, Jerzy Zelnik, Anna German, Malgorzata Braunek and others.
1972 Pilatus und andere [Pilat And Others]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on the novel The Master and Margaret by Michail Bulhajov
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Music: Jan Sebastian Bach
Cast: Wojciech Pszoniak, Jan Kreczmar, Daniel Olbrychski, Andrzej Lapicki, Marek Perepeczko, Jerzy Zelnik and others.
Michail Bulchakov's book The Master and Margaret is available at the Merlin bookstore
1973 Wesele [The Wedding]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Kijowski, based on Stanislaw Wyspianski's drama
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Stanislaw Radwan
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Ewa Zietek, Malgorzata Lorentowicz, Barbara Wrzesinska, Andrzej Lapicki, Wojciech Pszoniak, Marek Perepeczko, Maja Komorowska, Franciszek Pieczka, Marek Walczewski, Emilia Krakowska and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stanislaw Wyspianski's drama Wesele is available at the Merlin bookstore
1975 Ziemia obiecana [Promised Land]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Wladyslaw Reymont's novel
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski, Edward Klosinski, Waclaw Dybowski
Second Directors: Andrzej Kotkowski, Jerzy Domaradzki
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Wojciech Pszoniak, Andrzej Seweryn, Anna Nehrebecka, Tadeusz Bialoszczynski, Franciszek Pieczka, Bozena Dykiel, Kalina Jedrusik and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stanislaw Reymont's Ziemia obiecana is available at the Merlin bookstore
1976 Smuga cienia [The Shadow Line]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Boleslaw Sulik, Andrzej Wajda, based on Joseph Conrad's novel
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Marek Kondrat, Graham Lines, Tom Wilkinson, Bernard Archard and others.
1977 Czlowiek z marmuru [The Man of Marble]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor Rylski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Second Directors: Krystyna Grochowicz, Witold Holz
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Krystyna Janda, Tadeusz Lomnicki, Jacek Lomnicki, Michal Tarkowski, Piotr Cieslak, Wieslaw Wojcik, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1978 Bez znieczulenia [Rough Treatment]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Agnieszka Holland i Andrzej Wajda
Cooperation: Krzysztof Zaleski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Jerzy Derfel, Wojciech Mlynarski
Cast: Zbigniew Zapasiewicz, Ewa Dalkowska, Andrzej Seweryn, Krystyna Janda, Emilia Krakowska, Roman Wilhelmi, Kazimierz Kaczor and others.
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles) as Without Anesthesia
1979 Panny z Wilka [The Maids from Wilko]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Zbigniew Kaminski, based on a short story by Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Karol Szymanowski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Anna Seniuk, Maja Komorowska, Stanislawa Celinska, Krystyna Zachwatowicz, Christine Pascal, Zbigniew Zapasiewicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz's story Panny z Wilka is available at the Merlin bookstore
1980 Dyrygent [The Orchestra Conductor]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Kijowski
Director of Photography: Slawomir Idziak
Music: Ludwig van Beethoven
Cast: John Gielgud, Krystyna Janda, Andrzej Seweryn, Jan Ciecierski, Marysia Seweryn and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1981 Czlowiek z zelaza [The Iron Man]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor-Rylski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Krystyna Janda, Marian Opania, Andrzej Seweryn, Irena Byrska and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1983 Danton
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jean-Claude Carrière, based on Stanislawa Przybyszewska's play Danton's Affair
Cooperation: Andrzej Wajda, Agnieszka Holland, Boleslaw Michalek, Jacek Gasiorowski
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Music: Jean Prodromides
Cast: Gérard Depardieu, Wojciech Pszoniak, Anne Alvaro, Roland Blanche, Patrice Chéreau, Emmanuelle Debever, Krzysztof Globisz, Tadeusz Huk, Marek Kondrat, Boguslaw Linda and others.
1983 Eine Liebe in Deutschland [Love In Germany]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Boleslaw Michalek, Agnieszka Holland, Andrzej Wajda, based on Rolf Hochhuth's novel
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Michel Legrand
Cast: Hanna Schygulla, Marie-Christine Barrault, Piotr Lysak, Daniel Olbrychski and others.
1986 Kronika wypadkow milosnych [A Chronicle of Amorous Incidents]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Tadeusz Konwicki's novel
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Paulina Mlynarska, Piotr Wawrzynczak, Bernadetta Machala, Dariusz Dobkowski, Tadeusz Konwicki, Jaroslaw Gruda, Tadeusz Lomnicki, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1988 Les Possédes [The possessed]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jean-Claude Carrière, based on a novel by Dostojevsky
Cooperation: Andrzej Wajda, Agnieszka Holland, Edward Zebrowski
Director of Photography: Witold Adamek
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Zygmunt Konieczny
Cast: Isabelle Huppert, Jutta Lampe, Philippine Leroy Beaulieu, Bernard Blier, Jean-Philippe Ecoffey, Laurent Malet, Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Omar Sharif and others.
Fiodor Dostojevsky's novel Bracia Karamazow is available at the Merlin bookstore
1990 Korczak
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Agnieszka Holland
Director of Photography: Robby Müller
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Wojciech Pszoniak, Ewa Dalkowska, Teresa Budzisz-Krzyzanowska, Marzena Trybala, Piotr Kozlowski, Zbigniew Zamachowski, Jan Peszek, Aleksander Bardini, Wojciech Klata, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1992 Pierscionek z orlem w koronie [The Crowned-Eagle Ring]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Maciej Karpinski, Andrzej Kotkowski, based on a novel by Aleksander Scibor-Rylski Pierscionek z konskiego wlosia (the Horsehair Ring).
Director of Photography: Dariusz Kuc
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Zbigniew Gorny
Cast: Rafal Krolikowski, Agnieszka Wagner, Adrianna Biedrzynska, Maria Chwalibog, Jadwiga Jankowska-Cieslak, Cezary Pazura, Miroslaw Baka, Piotr Bajor, Jerzy Trela and others.
1994 Nastasja
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Maciej Karpinski, based on The Idiot by Dostojevsky
Japan translation: Masao Yonekawa
Director of Photography: Pawel Edelman
Decoration and costumes: Krystyna Zachwatowicz
Cast: Tamasaburo Bando, Toshiyuki Nagashima
Fiodor Dostojevsky's book Idiota is available at the Merlin bookstore
1995 Wielki Tydzien [Holy Week]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Jerzy Andrzejewski's short story
Director of Photography: Wit Dabal
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: G.F. Narholz, F. Ullmann, S. Burston, O. Siebien, R. Baumgartner, J. Clero, V. Borek
Cast: Beata Fudalej, Wojciech Malajkat, Wojciech Pszoniak, Magdalena Warzecha, Jakub Przebindowski, Cezary Pazura, Maria Seweryn and others.
1996 Panna Nikt [Miss Nothing]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Radoslaw Piwowarski, based on a Tomek Tryzna's novel
Director of Photography: Krzysztof Ptak
Cast: Anna Wielgucka, Anna Mucha, Anna Powierza, Stanislawa Celinska, Janga Jan Tomaszewski and others.
Tomek Tryzna's novel Panna Nikt is available at the Merlin bookstore
1998 Pan Tadeusz
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Jan Nowina-Zarzycki, Piotr Weresniak, based on a poem by Adam Mickiewicz
Second Director: Adek Drabinski
Director of Photography: Pawel Edelman
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Michal Zebrowski, Alicja Bachleda-Curus, Boguslaw Linda, Daniel Olbrychski, Grazyna Szapolowska, Andrzej Seweryn, Marek Kondrat,
Krzysztof Kolberger, Siergiej Szakurow, Jerzy Binczycki and others.
The story is very personal. Mr. Wajda's father was one of the victims of Katyn, and Mr. Wajda based the story on the women who waited in vain for their men to return, just like his own mother had done.
Although many VIPs and the "gliteratti" were present at the showing of the film in the Polish National Opera, the mood was somber, and at the end of the film, the silence was truly pregnant with emotion. I could not see him, but I believe Cardinal Jozef Glemp said a prayer at the very end.
Also at the end of the movie a German lady said to me how lucky I was to be an American. Indeed. The burden of history is huge. These are atrocities that we can never, ever forget.
Go here to read about President Kaczynski's visit to Katyn yesterday, as well as to see some beautiful photos of the victims of the massacre.
The good Lord God gave the director two eyes - one to look into the camera, the other to be alert to everything that is going on around him.
Andrzej Wajda
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I will speak in Polish because I want to say what I think and feel and I always thought and felt in Polish.
I accept this greeat honor not as a personal tribute, but as a tribute to all of Polish cinema.
The subject of many of our films was the war, the atrocities of Nazism and the tragedies brought by communism.
This is why today I thank the American friends of Poland and my compatriots for helping my country rejoin the family of democratic nations, rejoin the Western civilizations, its institutions and security structures.
My fervent hope is that the only flames people will encounter will be the great passions of the heart--love, gratitude and solidarity.
On April 2, 2000, Andrzej Wajda donated his Oscar statuette to the Muzeum of Jagiellonian University in Cracow. The statuette will be exposed together with earlier Wajda's gifts: La Palme d'Or from Cannes and Golden Lion from Venice.
Andrzej Wajda - biography
WAJDA, Andrzej ; Polish film and theatrical director; born March 6th 1926 in Suwalki; son of Jakub Wajda and Aniela Wajda;
ed. Acadademy of Fine Arts,Cracow; High Film School, Lodz;
Film Director 1954 - ; Theatre Director Teatr Stary ,Cracow 1962 - 1998.
Man.Director Teatr Powszechny Warsaw 1989-90;
Hon.member Union Polish Artist and Designers (ZPAP)1977.
Pres.Polish Film Asscn.1978-83 . "Solidarity" Lech Walesa Council 1981 - 1989.
Senator of the Republic of Poland 1989 - 1991.
Member Presidential Council for Culture 1992- 94.
Founder: Center of Japanese Art and Technology, Cracow 1994.
Prizes: click here
Order of the Banner of Labor (second class)1975;
Officer's Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta;
Order of Kirill and Methodus (first class), Bulgaria 1978;
Oficier, Legion d'Honneur 1982;
Order of Rising Sun, Japan 1995.
Films: click here
Polish Television Theatre: click here
Theatre: click here
The Birthplace
My family comes from the village of Szarow. Not far away, several miles from Szarow, in the Brzeziow graveyard, lies my granfather, Kazimierz Wayda, still spelt with a "y". These country origins seem essential to me, since from this tiny village, from this place and this family came four young men, all of which became educated people, members of the intelligentsia. One of them was my father, so I am only second generation intelligentsia myself. I think that there was a kind of strength in these young men, who left everything behind because they believed that all their future is before them. At the age of 16 my father joined the Legions (a Polish liberation corps in the I World War), where he became an officer. The second brother found employment as a railway official and until the outbreak of the Second World War he held the post of a director in the Krakow Railways. The third set up a large locksmith's shop, where I worked during the German occupation; the youngest brother, who was a promising farmers' activist, died prematurely.
I think that the force that drove these boys to run away, to avoid staying in one place because life was somewhere else... that I am also driven in this way... I have never wanted to live in places where I was thrown by chance, instead I strove for places which - it seemed to me - I should reach.
So after the war ended I travelled to Krakow, because I thought that my destiny lies at the Krakow Academy of Fine Arts. Then I went to Lodz, because of the foundation of the Film School - the only one in existence at the time - where I thought my place was. Then I left Lodz for Warsaw, because it was where all the filmmaking decisions were made and, besides, a person simply ought to live in Warsaw. And then I returned to Krakow once more, because the Stary Theatre was here. It always seemed to me that life wasn't here and now, not in this place where I was living, not in this film I was making - although every single one of my films and theatre productions was made with the conviction that it is meaningful and important. But I always thought that there is something more before me, that I should be running, striving, chasing this something... it is very difficult to define. I think that escape is the most important theme of my life, continually linking my past to the things that will happen tomorrow. I think that the energy which drove my father and his brothers, was exactly the same energy which I sense in myself, the energy which, so to speak, forced me to work so intensively and to run so hard from this pastoral landscape. Perhaps I should have spent my life looking at these mountains and doing nothing else...
An excerpt of a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The War and Occupation
After the death in 1903 of their father, Kazimierz Wayda, all his sons (my father was 3 at the time) moved to Krakow and helped each other get an education. They were in Krakow again in the 30's, when they restored the house, their only piece of property. At the back of the house was the locksmith's shop; in this house, on the second floor, I used to hide during the occupation. And I must say that my uncles were so discreet (I think that this is a virtue of our family) that only after the end of the war I found out that in the same house they also concealed Jews.
So, thanks to my father's brothers, I was able to survive the occupation; I probably owe them my life, because my papers (documents) were very insufficient. I had to stay at home, I was scared even to go to the tram stop, because there was always some kind of control going on. Of course, it might seem that all I did here was just hide out with my family, but my uncles were extremely serious about all of this. There were several people employed here, we all had normal, everyday tasks, from which I returned late in the evening. If I still had any strength left I climbed out on this balcony, and here I painted some landscapes of the Salwator district. Sitting somewhere near the house I also painted this stream, and this was practically all I managed to do besides the hard work in my uncles' workshop, where I had to go every day.
This work later helped me understand what physical labour really means, what it means to work every day, to go to work in the morning, and when later, in the 50's, there was talk about the workers, the working class, I could say to myself "I have also been a worker". It was not strange to me.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
Parents
My father was an officer, a junior lieutenant in the Polish Army. My mother was a teacher; she graduated from a teaching college and worked at a Ukrainian school. So they were a typical intelligentsia marriage. My father was promoted very quickly and he was moved to Suwalki, to the 41st Infantry Regiment garrison. And that's where I was born. Officers were constantly transferred from one garrison to another, so my father soon moved to Radom.
Professions such as a teacher or a military officer are directed towards other people. A teacher teaches children, an officer also educates, in a sense, disciplining the soldiers in his care. So both are people who work for others, not only for themselves. I think this quality was very distinct among the Polish intelligentsia in those times and I didn't know that a person could behave otherwise. You live for others, not for yourself.
And suddenly, in 1939, everything collapsed. My father was lost; he went to war and never came back. My mother could not stay at home, she had to go to work, we became workers. Our intelligentsia family found itself in completely different surroundings. I was 13 when the war broke out, so the only things I retained were the things that my home, school and the church had given me until that age.
My father, Jakub Wajda, lived only to the age of 40. He was captain in the 72nd Infantry Regiment and died at Katyn. But until 1989 we were not allowed to make an inscription on the family tomb, saying where he was killed. The censorship was so strict and the ban on all information on this subject so rigorous that when I recently tried to find a copy of the newspaper, published by Germans during the war, with the list of Katyn victims, my father's name among them, it turned out that the paper simply did not exist. Some mysterious hand removed the relevant copies from the library collection, so the experience of living through perhaps the most shocking moment of my life, when I could find out from a German paper that my father had been murdered, was denied to me.
War put an end to my country life - and to my pastoral life, because all childhood seems pastoral. Because of the war I finally could and had to make my own decisions, I knew I could no longer rely on anyone, everything now depended on me and only on me.
My father considered it natural that I should go into the Army. In 1939 I went to Lwow to enroll into the Cadets' School, but unfortunately I failed. I had always tried to have something to draw, I deemed this more interesting than other occupations, but nobody knew what should come out of it. During the occupation I realized, however, that I want to do this professionally and for a few months I attended drawing lessons at an art school owned by a professor from Lodz, which the Germans still allowed at that time. But the occupation became inceasingly more brutal, further education was out of the question, the usual choice was to hide or to work in a firm which could supply good papers - that is documents, which would allow us to go out in the street and move about in a normal way.
My mother came to Krakow near the end of her life, in 1950. My brother and I were already students at the Fine Arts Academy, and she was left behind alone in Radom. Our father didn't return from the war. We still had some hope, but in 1950 we were fairly certain that he won't come back. So our mother moved in with us, to our home in the Salwator district, and when she died prematurely - she was only 50 - she was buried here, because this is the Wajda family tomb and our uncles decided that she should remain here.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The Fine Arts Academy
The Fine Arts Academy was, and still is, named after Jan Matejko. In 1945 it experienced an influx of Paris-educated professors, who painted beautifully in the French postimpressionist manner.
But we soon realized that this was a contradiction. Here we were, painting nudes, flowers and still lives in the best French spirit, but our personal experience, our world, were quite different. We had seen the occupation and all its filth, we worked in factories. My fellow students often came straight from the Army, some of them still in uniform - nobody had any clothes to speak of, so everyone wore a uniform (I also dressed in my father's uniform which I had dyed navy blue) - but they came straight from the Army, dressed in battle green, and our shared experince was inconsistent with our painting. We felt we had another story to tell, but our painting expressed what we meant very incompletely - or not at all.
Here we had seen the smoking chimneys of the crematoriums, the arrests, the street roundups, the Warsaw uprising - and they were like Cézanne, who when he was asked, What did you do when the Prussians advanced on Paris? answered, I painted some landscape studies. They, our professors, dared to paint lanscapes and still lives during the war. And it was a kind of resistance against this... against this war and all the things that the German occupation brought to Poland. But now the war had ended and we thought that we should meet painting in a different way. That's why we could not agree... Later it turned out that this conflict perfectly suited the current cultural policy of the authorities.
What was going on?
The year was 1945 and 46 - I enrolled at the Academy in 46. After the party union in 1948 there was a lot of confusion - of an ideological character, so to speak. But socrealism already started taking shape and there was demand for a kind of painting which would represent the new reality: the workers, farmers, all the things which the new policy brought. All this actually boiled down to was planned sovietization of Poland. We liked to paint these other subjects, but we never thought that we would be required merely to imitate Soviet painting. I think that at this point many people left the Academy; they understood that it's simply not possible, that this kind of art has no artistic future,
The thing that today moves me most in the Academy rooms is the smell. It has haunted me for years, this smell of the workshop, of paint... This smell is always with me, and today, when I stand in this studio, I think that this is the place where I could have been happy. But at that time I didn't have enough strength, character, willpower, tenacity. There were other, more talented people, and I was married for the first time. My wife turned out to be a fantastic painter and this also sort of put me off. I had to find another group of friends, another college, another place for myself.
I studied at the Academy for three years. By the end of the third year I realized that I was rather lost, and then, completely by chance, I read in some weekly magazine that the Film School is searching for students. So I decided to leave Krakow for Lodz.
But Lodz was no longer a school to me. I think that whatever I learned or thought or found out about art, was here, in Krakow. Regardless of all our arguments and our criticism of our professors, here we talked about art and thought in terms of art. But the Film School was a technical college - there we talked about how to make a film, how to orient ourselves in the political situation, how to show this subject or another.
But what did it all mean, and why film should be an art, these things I learned here. For a long time I kept hoping that I could paint something, because they told me that in old age you can still paint something good. I don't think this is true. To paint something in old age I should have achieved two things when I was young - I should have found my own way of painting and my own subject. And then, even if I had abandoned painting for a time and then taken it up again, I could have used this experience. But it didn't happen this way, so now I can only be a person who comes, looks and understands.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
Krakow
In 1950 together with my fellow students from Lodz I went to Nowa Huta. We were making a student movie - a feature - about the construction of the first socialist city in Poland. And so I gained the opportunity to see it all. At the beginning there was nothing here, only fields, but we all believed that the country people really needed such a city, because the villages were overpopulated. The idea was to create something that would transform Krakow. Krakow voted against the communists, so obviously it was necessary to create a community which would infuse this lifeless Krakow with its ideology.
Instead we found ourselves in a lifeless city, while Krakow was alive as never before, as if through an act of historic justice. And this city, intended to be a threat to Krakow, became in fact a kind of provincial little town, seemingly hundreds of miles distant from Krakow, a town where there is nothing of interest, where nothing happens, a town which nobody cares about.
I think that this is a kind of lesson in history, that you can't violate certain things, that there are places which radiate their culture. Krakow radiated culture and that is why it could not be destroyed.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The Film School
In the 1950's the Film School was an ideological school. There were no such schools before and this one had no tradition. So it was meant to be a school for "janissaries", intended to educate a film elite, so to speak, which would later become an ideological commando and play a decisive role in the political and social transformations in Poland.
Our professors and teachers were people who before the war sympathized with the left and who just now, at the end of the war, thought that the day had come for them to play their part.
But there emerged an unforeseeable contradiction. These people, our teachers, were educated people who understood what was going on in Poland, and though they deferred to this ideology, they did not completely lose their wits. So, for example, Andrzej Munk could not make a film with a consumptive hero (I was to play that hero because I was terribly thin), he could not make it even as a student etude, because to show a victim of consumption was considered just too pessimistic. On the other hand, the majority of our post-war colleagues came out "from the forest", from the resistance movement, infected with tuberculosis. This disease at the time really took its toll among the intelligentsia, and not only intelligentsia.
But, at the same time, our rector Jerzy Toeplitz brought from Paris a whole collection of French avant-garde movies - not the Russian avant-garde, not Eisenstein, but precisely French. And so I was able to see the "Le Ballet Mécanique", "Le Chien d'Andalousie", "L'Age d'Or" and "Le Ballet Mécanique" once again, all the films which opened my eyes to a completely different kind of cinema, films which we not only never had made, but never had even seen. The inconsistency was fantastic: on the one hand our professors at the school wanted us - perhaps as a way of justification - to make all these socrealist movies, and, on the other, they brought us closer to real art.
Jerzy Toeplitz viewed our school as belonging to a greater body of European film colleges, and not as some provincial school somewhere in the Polish city of Lodz.
An excerpt from a speech from the film "The Debit and the Credit"
The 1989 Crisis
I could have been sent to Auschwitz; by a strange twist of fate it didn't happen. I could have been arrested and sent to Germany as a slave labourer. I had a little luck, but this is a country where you actually have to find excuses for your luck. Because it is also true that all those who were braver, more determined, more desperate, more eager to take up arms, are mostly dead. And it must be said that these certainly were the best people.
Now, when we have freedom, so to speak, everyone asks me: OK, but why is it that you were successful while others weren't? Why could you make films while others couldn't? And could these films be right, if they were made in a state film studio and financed with state money? How is this possible? Which means that it would be better if I had spent my life doing nothing. And indeed, these people, who did nothing, have a ready excuse.
But what did we want? We only wanted to expand a little the limits of freedom, the limits of censorship, so that films such as "Popiol i diament" could be made. We never hoped to live to see the fall of the Soviet Union, to see Poland as a free country. We thought that all we could do was to expand this limit, so that the party wouldn't rule by itself but would have to admit the voice of the society it was ruling. If you want to participate in a reality created by an alien power, enforced by a historical situation, then you always risk taking part in some ambiguous game.
I saw quite soon that it was better to remain independent, that a party artist didn't really have more options only because he was allowed to make a film, permitted to do things apparently forbidden to others - quite the opposite.
The party controlled its members even more strictly. It summoned them and said: Why? You see, you know, why do you act this way? Why don't you follow the party line? But I couldn't be spoken to in this way, for I didn't have to follow the party line. I was a filmmaker. Of course, I didn't join the party, not only because my father wouldn't have joined the party, not because my mother wouldn't have thought it right, but simply because I was beginning to have a mind of my own.
All my life I was determined to have a kind of independence. Which is very funny, because there isn't a person more dependent than a film director. He depends on the people with whom he makes the film. He depends on the people for whom he makes the film. Not only on the audience, but also on those who make the film possible. Regardless of the political system, whether it is Poland or America, France or Bulgaria, it is the same everywhere. And this dependence is incomparably stronger. But it seemed to me that this might spring from the strong character of my father, of my whole family, who roused themselves and went away from these fields. The young people who left these villages - some went only in search of bread, but others also in search of bread and success. And immortality. To really become someone and decide not only for themselves but also for others.
Andrzej Wajda - Why Japan?
During the German occupation, which I spent in Krakow, I had to hide because my papers were very unsatisfactory. I went to town just once, when I found out that at the Sukiennice Hall there is an exhibition of Japanese art. I didn't know where the collection came from and who had assembled it here, in Krakow. Japan was a German ally during the war, so the Governor-General Frank, who resided at the Wawel Castle, decided to organize an exhibition as a homage to Japan and used this collection. I took a risk and slipped into the Sukiennice and I must say it was an incredible adventure. I remember every detail to this day and I think that the Japanese Centre, standing today by the Vistula river, originated to a large degree from the extraordinary event, which was my encounter with Japanese art here, in Krakow.
Many years later, when my films became well-known and I went abroad a lot, I was also noticed in Japan where I was awarded the prestigious "Kyoto Prize", which is the Japanese equivalent of the Nobel Prize. In short, I received an enormous amount of money - 340 000 USD was a sum beyond my imagination. In all my life I had never earned as much from a Polish movie and I thought - my wife, Krystyna, was of the same opinion - that this is a good moment to consider Japan in Krakow, because this huge collection, about 15 000 various objects, works of art, should be found a place here. Arata Isosaki made a drawing, he came here earlier, and we were standing on the terrace at the Wawel Castle, and he just looked. The city propsed several locations, but in his opinion it was best to build near water, because the most beautiful buildings in the world are built on the waterside. So he selected this location and then the political situation changed suddenly. The new voyevoda was a man who supported this project - Mr. Tadeusz Piekarz, who offered this plot for our Centre. The building was constructed in 15 months. Owing to the government of Japan and to the Railwaymen Union, which also donated a large sum of money for this purpose, Japan suddenly came into existence in Krakow.
Films
1955 Pokolenie [Generation]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Bohdan Czeszko, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Tadeusz Lomnicki, Urszula Modrzynska, Tadeusz Janczar, Roman Polanski, Ryszard Kotas, Janusz Paluszkiewicz, Zbigniew Cybulski
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1957 Kanal
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Stefan Stawinski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Jan Krenz
Cast: Wienczyslaw Glinski, Teresa Izewska, Tadeusz Janczar, Emil Karewicz, Wladyslaw Sheybal, Stanislaw Mikulski, Teresa Berezowska, Tadeusz Gwiazdowski, Adam Pawlikowski and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1958 Popiol i diament [Ashes And Diamonds]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Wojcik
Second Director: Janusz Morgenstern
Music: Jan Krenz, Michal Kleofas Oginski
Cast: Zbigniew Cybulski, Ewa Krzyzewska, Waclaw Zastrzezynski, Adam Pawlikowski, Bogumil Kobiela
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Jerzy Andrzejewski's book Popiol i diament is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1959 Lotna
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Wojciech Zukrowski, based on his novel
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Second Director: Janusz Morgenstern
Music: Tadeusz Baird
Cast: Jerzy Pichelski, Adam Pawlikowski, Jerzy Moes, Mieczyslaw Loza, Bozena Kurowska, Karol Rommel, Roman Polanski
1960 Niewinni czarodzieje [Innocent Sorcerers]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, Jerzy Skolimowski
Director of Photography: Krzysztof Winiewicz
Music: Krzysztof Trzcinski-Komeda
Cast: Tadeusz Lomnicki, Krystyna Stypulkowska, Wanda Koczewska, Zbigniew Cybulski, Roman Polanski, Krzysztof Trzcinski-Komeda, Kalina Jedrusik-Dygatowa and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1961 Samson
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Kazimierz Brandys, based on his novel and Andrzej Wajda
Director of Photography: Jerzy Wojcik
Music: Tadeusz Baird
Cast: Serge Merlin, Alina Janowska, Elzbieta Kepinska, Tadeusz Bartosik, Wladyslaw Kowalski, Jan Ciecierski, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Roman Polanski and others.
1962 Sibirska Ledi Magbet [Siberian Lady Macbeth]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Sveta Lukic, based on a short story by Nikolai Leskov
Director of Photography: Aleksander Sekulovic
Music: Dusan Radic
Cast: Olivera Markowic, Ljuba Tadic, Miodrag Lazarevic, Bojan Stupica and others.
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1962 L'amour à vingt ans [Love At Twenty]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Stefan Stawinski
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Music: Jerzy Matuszkiewicz
Cast: Barbara Kwiatkowska-Lass, Zbigniew Cybulski, Wladyslaw Kowalski
1965 Popioly [Ashes]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor Rylski, based on the novel by Stefan Zeromski
Director of Photography: Jerzy Lipman
Second Director: Andrzej Zulawski
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Pola Raksa, Boguslaw Kierc, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Piotr Wysocki, Jozef Duriasz, Wladyslaw Hancza, Jadwiga Andrzejewska, Stanislaw Zaczyk, Jan Swiderski, Jan Nowicki and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stefan Zeromski's book Popioly is available at the Merlin bookstore
1968 The Gates To Paradise
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jerzy Andrzejewski, based on his novel
English dialogs: Donald Howard
Director of Photography: Mieczyslaw Jahoda
Music: Ward Swingle
Cast: Lionel Stander, Ferdy Mayne, Jenny Agutter, Mathieu Carrière and others.
Jerzy Andrzejewski's story Bramy raju is available at the Merlin bookstore
1968 Przekladaniec [Roly Poly]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Stanislaw Lem, based on his short story
Director of Photography: Wieslaw Zdort
Music: Andrzej Markowski
Cast: Bogumil Kobiela, Ryszard Filipski, Anna Prucnal, Jerzy Zelnik and others.
1969 Wszystko na sprzedaz [Everything For Sale]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Andrzej Lapicki, Beata Tyszkiewicz, Elzbieta Czyzewska, Daniel Olbrychski and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1969 Polowanie na muchy [Hunting Flies]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Janusz Glowacki, based on his story
Director of Photography: Zygmunt Samosiuk
Music:Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Malgorzata Braunek, Zygmunt Malanowicz, Daniel Olbrychski, Ewa Skarzanka, Hannna Skarzanka and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles) as Fury Is A Woman
1970 Brzezina [Birch Wood]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz, based on his short story
Director of Photography: Zygmunt Samosiuk
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Emilia Krakowska, Olgierd Lukaszewicz, Marek Perepeczko and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1970 Krajobraz po bitwie [Landscape After the Battle]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Brzozowski and Andrzej Wajda, based on the novel by Tadeusz Borowski
Director of Photography: Zbigniew Samosiuk
Music: Antonio Vivaldi, Fryderyk Chopin, Zygmunt Konieczny
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Stanislawa Celinska, Tadeusz Janczar, Mieczyslaw Stoor, Leszek Drogosz, Aleksander Bardini, Stefan Friedmann, Jerzy Zelnik, Anna German, Malgorzata Braunek and others.
1972 Pilatus und andere [Pilat And Others]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on the novel The Master and Margaret by Michail Bulhajov
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Music: Jan Sebastian Bach
Cast: Wojciech Pszoniak, Jan Kreczmar, Daniel Olbrychski, Andrzej Lapicki, Marek Perepeczko, Jerzy Zelnik and others.
Michail Bulchakov's book The Master and Margaret is available at the Merlin bookstore
1973 Wesele [The Wedding]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Kijowski, based on Stanislaw Wyspianski's drama
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Stanislaw Radwan
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Ewa Zietek, Malgorzata Lorentowicz, Barbara Wrzesinska, Andrzej Lapicki, Wojciech Pszoniak, Marek Perepeczko, Maja Komorowska, Franciszek Pieczka, Marek Walczewski, Emilia Krakowska and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stanislaw Wyspianski's drama Wesele is available at the Merlin bookstore
1975 Ziemia obiecana [Promised Land]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Wladyslaw Reymont's novel
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski, Edward Klosinski, Waclaw Dybowski
Second Directors: Andrzej Kotkowski, Jerzy Domaradzki
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Wojciech Pszoniak, Andrzej Seweryn, Anna Nehrebecka, Tadeusz Bialoszczynski, Franciszek Pieczka, Bozena Dykiel, Kalina Jedrusik and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Stanislaw Reymont's Ziemia obiecana is available at the Merlin bookstore
1976 Smuga cienia [The Shadow Line]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Boleslaw Sulik, Andrzej Wajda, based on Joseph Conrad's novel
Director of Photography: Witold Sobocinski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Marek Kondrat, Graham Lines, Tom Wilkinson, Bernard Archard and others.
1977 Czlowiek z marmuru [The Man of Marble]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor Rylski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Second Directors: Krystyna Grochowicz, Witold Holz
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Krystyna Janda, Tadeusz Lomnicki, Jacek Lomnicki, Michal Tarkowski, Piotr Cieslak, Wieslaw Wojcik, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1978 Bez znieczulenia [Rough Treatment]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Agnieszka Holland i Andrzej Wajda
Cooperation: Krzysztof Zaleski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Jerzy Derfel, Wojciech Mlynarski
Cast: Zbigniew Zapasiewicz, Ewa Dalkowska, Andrzej Seweryn, Krystyna Janda, Emilia Krakowska, Roman Wilhelmi, Kazimierz Kaczor and others.
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles) as Without Anesthesia
1979 Panny z Wilka [The Maids from Wilko]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Zbigniew Kaminski, based on a short story by Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Karol Szymanowski
Cast: Daniel Olbrychski, Anna Seniuk, Maja Komorowska, Stanislawa Celinska, Krystyna Zachwatowicz, Christine Pascal, Zbigniew Zapasiewicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
Jaroslaw Iwaszkiewicz's story Panny z Wilka is available at the Merlin bookstore
1980 Dyrygent [The Orchestra Conductor]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Kijowski
Director of Photography: Slawomir Idziak
Music: Ludwig van Beethoven
Cast: John Gielgud, Krystyna Janda, Andrzej Seweryn, Jan Ciecierski, Marysia Seweryn and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1981 Czlowiek z zelaza [The Iron Man]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Aleksander Scibor-Rylski
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Andrzej Korzynski
Cast: Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Krystyna Janda, Marian Opania, Andrzej Seweryn, Irena Byrska and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1983 Danton
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jean-Claude Carrière, based on Stanislawa Przybyszewska's play Danton's Affair
Cooperation: Andrzej Wajda, Agnieszka Holland, Boleslaw Michalek, Jacek Gasiorowski
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Music: Jean Prodromides
Cast: Gérard Depardieu, Wojciech Pszoniak, Anne Alvaro, Roland Blanche, Patrice Chéreau, Emmanuelle Debever, Krzysztof Globisz, Tadeusz Huk, Marek Kondrat, Boguslaw Linda and others.
1983 Eine Liebe in Deutschland [Love In Germany]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Boleslaw Michalek, Agnieszka Holland, Andrzej Wajda, based on Rolf Hochhuth's novel
Director of Photography: Igor Luther
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Michel Legrand
Cast: Hanna Schygulla, Marie-Christine Barrault, Piotr Lysak, Daniel Olbrychski and others.
1986 Kronika wypadkow milosnych [A Chronicle of Amorous Incidents]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Tadeusz Konwicki's novel
Director of Photography: Edward Klosinski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Paulina Mlynarska, Piotr Wawrzynczak, Bernadetta Machala, Dariusz Dobkowski, Tadeusz Konwicki, Jaroslaw Gruda, Tadeusz Lomnicki, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
1988 Les Possédes [The possessed]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Jean-Claude Carrière, based on a novel by Dostojevsky
Cooperation: Andrzej Wajda, Agnieszka Holland, Edward Zebrowski
Director of Photography: Witold Adamek
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Zygmunt Konieczny
Cast: Isabelle Huppert, Jutta Lampe, Philippine Leroy Beaulieu, Bernard Blier, Jean-Philippe Ecoffey, Laurent Malet, Jerzy Radziwillowicz, Omar Sharif and others.
Fiodor Dostojevsky's novel Bracia Karamazow is available at the Merlin bookstore
1990 Korczak
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Agnieszka Holland
Director of Photography: Robby Müller
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Wojciech Pszoniak, Ewa Dalkowska, Teresa Budzisz-Krzyzanowska, Marzena Trybala, Piotr Kozlowski, Zbigniew Zamachowski, Jan Peszek, Aleksander Bardini, Wojciech Klata, Krystyna Zachwatowicz and others.
This film is available at the Merlin bookstore
This film is also available at the www.amazon.com (with English subtitles)
1992 Pierscionek z orlem w koronie [The Crowned-Eagle Ring]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Maciej Karpinski, Andrzej Kotkowski, based on a novel by Aleksander Scibor-Rylski Pierscionek z konskiego wlosia (the Horsehair Ring).
Director of Photography: Dariusz Kuc
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: Zbigniew Gorny
Cast: Rafal Krolikowski, Agnieszka Wagner, Adrianna Biedrzynska, Maria Chwalibog, Jadwiga Jankowska-Cieslak, Cezary Pazura, Miroslaw Baka, Piotr Bajor, Jerzy Trela and others.
1994 Nastasja
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Maciej Karpinski, based on The Idiot by Dostojevsky
Japan translation: Masao Yonekawa
Director of Photography: Pawel Edelman
Decoration and costumes: Krystyna Zachwatowicz
Cast: Tamasaburo Bando, Toshiyuki Nagashima
Fiodor Dostojevsky's book Idiota is available at the Merlin bookstore
1995 Wielki Tydzien [Holy Week]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, based on Jerzy Andrzejewski's short story
Director of Photography: Wit Dabal
Decoration: Allan Starski
Music: G.F. Narholz, F. Ullmann, S. Burston, O. Siebien, R. Baumgartner, J. Clero, V. Borek
Cast: Beata Fudalej, Wojciech Malajkat, Wojciech Pszoniak, Magdalena Warzecha, Jakub Przebindowski, Cezary Pazura, Maria Seweryn and others.
1996 Panna Nikt [Miss Nothing]
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Radoslaw Piwowarski, based on a Tomek Tryzna's novel
Director of Photography: Krzysztof Ptak
Cast: Anna Wielgucka, Anna Mucha, Anna Powierza, Stanislawa Celinska, Janga Jan Tomaszewski and others.
Tomek Tryzna's novel Panna Nikt is available at the Merlin bookstore
1998 Pan Tadeusz
Director: Andrzej Wajda
Screenplay: Andrzej Wajda, Jan Nowina-Zarzycki, Piotr Weresniak, based on a poem by Adam Mickiewicz
Second Director: Adek Drabinski
Director of Photography: Pawel Edelman
Music: Wojciech Kilar
Cast: Michal Zebrowski, Alicja Bachleda-Curus, Boguslaw Linda, Daniel Olbrychski, Grazyna Szapolowska, Andrzej Seweryn, Marek Kondrat,
Krzysztof Kolberger, Siergiej Szakurow, Jerzy Binczycki and others.
Friday, May 8, 2009
Monday, December 8, 2008
Czy sen. Arciszewska-Mielewczyk może liczyć na pomoc państwa?
Czy sen. Arciszewska-Mielewczyk może liczyć na pomoc państwa?
pos. Andrzej Dera (2008-12-08)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Zobacz również inne publikacje związane z tym tematem:
AUDYCJE:
Czy sen. Arciszewska-Mielewczyk może liczyć na pomoc państwa? - [2008-12-08]pos. Andrzej Dera
Rozprawa odwoławcza w sprawie naruszenia dóbr osobistych Eriki Steinbach - [2008-12-05]sen. Dorota Arciszewska - Mielewczyk
Czy rząd chroni polskie prawa własności? - [2008-07-18]sen. Dorota Arciszewska Mielewczyk
ARTYKUŁY:
Po tej rozprawie nie mam złudzeń - [2008-12-05]
Sąd nie chciał słuchać polskiej senator - [2008-12-05]
Pro publico bono w wersji marszałka Platformy - [2008-12-04]
Steinbach chce zamknąć nam usta - [2008-11-27]
Polacy tracą własność na rzecz Niemcówh - [2008-07-17]
pos. Andrzej Dera (2008-12-08)
Aktualności dnia
słuchajzapisz
Zobacz również inne publikacje związane z tym tematem:
AUDYCJE:
Czy sen. Arciszewska-Mielewczyk może liczyć na pomoc państwa? - [2008-12-08]pos. Andrzej Dera
Rozprawa odwoławcza w sprawie naruszenia dóbr osobistych Eriki Steinbach - [2008-12-05]sen. Dorota Arciszewska - Mielewczyk
Czy rząd chroni polskie prawa własności? - [2008-07-18]sen. Dorota Arciszewska Mielewczyk
ARTYKUŁY:
Po tej rozprawie nie mam złudzeń - [2008-12-05]
Sąd nie chciał słuchać polskiej senator - [2008-12-05]
Pro publico bono w wersji marszałka Platformy - [2008-12-04]
Steinbach chce zamknąć nam usta - [2008-11-27]
Polacy tracą własność na rzecz Niemcówh - [2008-07-17]
Sunday, May 4, 2008
'The bloodshed had to be shown'
'The bloodshed had to be shown'
'The bloodshed had to be shown'
At 80, Andrzej Wajda has made the bravest film of his career: a graphic account of the killing of 8,000 Polish officers. He tells Geoffrey Macnab why the story meant so much to him
Friday May 2, 2008
The Guardian
Unravelling the great lies... Katyn
In his home country, Andrzej Wajda's film about what he calls an "unhealed wound" in Polish history has turned into a full-blown phenomenon. Close to three million people have already seen his depiction of the Katyn massacre. Schools and military organisations have been making special trips to the cinema to see it. All of a sudden, Wajda - one of the most revered European film-makers of the postwar era, a figure who built his reputation half a century ago with films such as Kanal, and Ashes and Diamonds - has found himself back in the limelight.
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In many ways, Katyn is the film that Wajda has been building up to throughout his career. His father, Jakub Wajda, was one of the estimated 8,000 Polish military officers murdered in 1940 by Stalin's secret police in the Katyn forest near Smolensk in western Russia. Wajda was only a teenager at the time. He witnessed at first hand his mother's "desperate and hopeless" search for his father, not knowing what had happened to him, or even if he was dead. It took three years for news of the mass murder at Katyn to emerge, and it only came out then because the Nazis had invaded the Soviet Union and discovered the mass graves. At this stage, as Wajda's film shows, Soviet propaganda blamed the deaths on Hitler and punished anyone who even hinted the Russians might be involved. Only in 1990, at the end of the cold war, did the Kremlin admit that Stalin had given the orders for the massacre.
Whatever else it is, Katyn is bravura film-making. Wajda is in his 80s, but he hasn't lost his knack for marshalling crowds, choreographing elaborate set-pieces, staging chases and cranking up the emotions. The massacre itself is shot in brutal but haunting fashion. Officer after officer is bundled out of Soviet trucks, shot in the back of the head and left to topple forward into a pit.
Wajda doesn't shrink at showing the sheer scale of the slaughter. What makes the sequences all the more chilling is the lack of emotion of the Soviet assassins. Their faces are blank as they pull the trigger. The Poles try to utter the Lord's Prayer when they realise they are doomed, but none has time to get beyond a line or two. Then, as huge lines of corpses lie bleeding in the mud, a bulldozer pushes earth on top of them.
Wajda researched the killing scenes as thoroughly as he could, poring over diaries of the slaughtered officers as well as newsreel footage and official records. "First of all, I decided the massacre must be a part of the film," he says. "Although people knew that these soldiers and intelligentsia were brutally murdered, and could imagine how they were murdered, I still decided that the bloodshed had to be shown. The way the victims were killed was easy to find out after the graves were discovered in 1943."
In the flesh, Wajda cuts a sprightly figure. A silver-haired, bespectacled man in a dark suit, he is clearly relieved that, after so many years of struggle, he has finally been able to make Katyn. The screenplay went through countless drafts with many different writers before Wajda pronounced himself ready to shoot. And when he says that he is the only director who could have made Katyn, his remark does not come across as arrogance.
First, there is his personal connection with the material. Then there is his film-making reputation. Wajda is one of the last links with the "Polish film school", a group of directors who emerged in the 1950s, defining themselves in opposition to Soviet film-making. He wanted to make Katyn in the tradition of that school.
Perhaps as a result, Katyn has an old-fashioned feel to it. Wajda isn't much interested in the complexities of history. He depicts the Polish officers and their families in a heroic light. The Soviet soldiers and the Nazis are villains. There is little grey area between.
Katyn begins with a tremendous sequence, heavy with symbolism - one that sums up perfectly Poland's perennial fate as Europe's football, the country "in between". On September 17 1939, two bands of refugees meet on a bridge. One group is fleeing from the Russians, who have invaded from the east. The others are going in the opposite direction to escape the Nazis, who entered the country a fortnight before from the west.
Wajda has complained in the past that the younger generation in Poland have showed little interest in the country's history. He recalls watching a high-school student interviewed on Polish TV. Asked what he associated with the date September 17, this student mentioned casually "a church holiday". Katyn is intended to jolt such people out of their apathy and to remind them what their parents and grandparents endured.
"But a question I was asked often during the making of the film - and which I asked myself too - was who I was making this film for," he says. "If I was making Katyn for the younger generation, it would have to have a different speed, a different tempo, and to be a different film."
In the end, Wajda didn't make many concessions to younger viewers. This is a very traditional piece of film-making. Nonetheless, the director still believes it is accessible. He describes it as a film more about "individual suffering" than "naked historical facts".
Still, this late flowering must be a source of pleasure for him. Wajda is one of a number of Polish film-makers who risked losing their way at the end of the Soviet era, when they no longer had anything to define themselves against. From the Warsaw uprisings to the solidarity strikes, Wajda's best work was invariably rooted in social and political issues.
A decade ago, he told me he admired Krzysztof Kieslowski as one of the few Polish film-makers who had managed to adjust to the post-communist world. "Kieslowski actually went against the mainstream of the Polish film-making tradition," Wajda said then. "Most of our films were in one way or another political; we were trying to relate to society and history. He chose a completely different way - a psychological, metaphysical way - of dealing with contemporary life. As events have shown, it was the right way."
Wajda had little success when he tried to follow Kieslowski's path in the 1990s with films such as Miss Nobody. It wasn't until 1999 that his revival began, after he had returned to Polish historical subjects, and directed a screen version of the 19th-century nationalist epic poem Pan Tadeusz. Now, with Katyn, he is again probing a painful episode in the country's past.
Despite his father's death in the massacre, Wajda says that the film is not directly autobiographical. "I couldn't make a film about my father because I simply didn't know much about him," Wajda says. "The last time I saw him was 1939 when he went to the front." The director says he had two clear goals in making the movie: to highlight the massacre and to unravel "the great lies" told about it.
The burning issue now is how the film will go down in Russia. At one stage, the producers had planned a public screening of Katyn at the Polish embassy in Moscow on March 5, the anniversary of Stalin's death. But the Russian elections caused some nervousness, so they opted instead hold a private screening, with the first public showing planned for June at the Moscow film festival.
"Katyn is going to be shown in Russia," Wajda insists. "We've not found a Russian distributor yet, but it is enormously important for this film to be shown in Russia if Polish-Russian relations in the 21st century are to be based in truth, not lies.
"This film is not against the Russian people. It is about the horrors of the Stalin regime. In this forest in Katyn, there were many thousands of Russian civilians and soldiers killed brutally and put into mass graves. It was a graveyard for both the Poles and the Russians."
· The Andrzej Wajda season is at BFI Southbank, London, until May 30
'The bloodshed had to be shown'
At 80, Andrzej Wajda has made the bravest film of his career: a graphic account of the killing of 8,000 Polish officers. He tells Geoffrey Macnab why the story meant so much to him
Friday May 2, 2008
The Guardian
Unravelling the great lies... Katyn
In his home country, Andrzej Wajda's film about what he calls an "unhealed wound" in Polish history has turned into a full-blown phenomenon. Close to three million people have already seen his depiction of the Katyn massacre. Schools and military organisations have been making special trips to the cinema to see it. All of a sudden, Wajda - one of the most revered European film-makers of the postwar era, a figure who built his reputation half a century ago with films such as Kanal, and Ashes and Diamonds - has found himself back in the limelight.
Article continues
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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In many ways, Katyn is the film that Wajda has been building up to throughout his career. His father, Jakub Wajda, was one of the estimated 8,000 Polish military officers murdered in 1940 by Stalin's secret police in the Katyn forest near Smolensk in western Russia. Wajda was only a teenager at the time. He witnessed at first hand his mother's "desperate and hopeless" search for his father, not knowing what had happened to him, or even if he was dead. It took three years for news of the mass murder at Katyn to emerge, and it only came out then because the Nazis had invaded the Soviet Union and discovered the mass graves. At this stage, as Wajda's film shows, Soviet propaganda blamed the deaths on Hitler and punished anyone who even hinted the Russians might be involved. Only in 1990, at the end of the cold war, did the Kremlin admit that Stalin had given the orders for the massacre.
Whatever else it is, Katyn is bravura film-making. Wajda is in his 80s, but he hasn't lost his knack for marshalling crowds, choreographing elaborate set-pieces, staging chases and cranking up the emotions. The massacre itself is shot in brutal but haunting fashion. Officer after officer is bundled out of Soviet trucks, shot in the back of the head and left to topple forward into a pit.
Wajda doesn't shrink at showing the sheer scale of the slaughter. What makes the sequences all the more chilling is the lack of emotion of the Soviet assassins. Their faces are blank as they pull the trigger. The Poles try to utter the Lord's Prayer when they realise they are doomed, but none has time to get beyond a line or two. Then, as huge lines of corpses lie bleeding in the mud, a bulldozer pushes earth on top of them.
Wajda researched the killing scenes as thoroughly as he could, poring over diaries of the slaughtered officers as well as newsreel footage and official records. "First of all, I decided the massacre must be a part of the film," he says. "Although people knew that these soldiers and intelligentsia were brutally murdered, and could imagine how they were murdered, I still decided that the bloodshed had to be shown. The way the victims were killed was easy to find out after the graves were discovered in 1943."
In the flesh, Wajda cuts a sprightly figure. A silver-haired, bespectacled man in a dark suit, he is clearly relieved that, after so many years of struggle, he has finally been able to make Katyn. The screenplay went through countless drafts with many different writers before Wajda pronounced himself ready to shoot. And when he says that he is the only director who could have made Katyn, his remark does not come across as arrogance.
First, there is his personal connection with the material. Then there is his film-making reputation. Wajda is one of the last links with the "Polish film school", a group of directors who emerged in the 1950s, defining themselves in opposition to Soviet film-making. He wanted to make Katyn in the tradition of that school.
Perhaps as a result, Katyn has an old-fashioned feel to it. Wajda isn't much interested in the complexities of history. He depicts the Polish officers and their families in a heroic light. The Soviet soldiers and the Nazis are villains. There is little grey area between.
Katyn begins with a tremendous sequence, heavy with symbolism - one that sums up perfectly Poland's perennial fate as Europe's football, the country "in between". On September 17 1939, two bands of refugees meet on a bridge. One group is fleeing from the Russians, who have invaded from the east. The others are going in the opposite direction to escape the Nazis, who entered the country a fortnight before from the west.
Wajda has complained in the past that the younger generation in Poland have showed little interest in the country's history. He recalls watching a high-school student interviewed on Polish TV. Asked what he associated with the date September 17, this student mentioned casually "a church holiday". Katyn is intended to jolt such people out of their apathy and to remind them what their parents and grandparents endured.
"But a question I was asked often during the making of the film - and which I asked myself too - was who I was making this film for," he says. "If I was making Katyn for the younger generation, it would have to have a different speed, a different tempo, and to be a different film."
In the end, Wajda didn't make many concessions to younger viewers. This is a very traditional piece of film-making. Nonetheless, the director still believes it is accessible. He describes it as a film more about "individual suffering" than "naked historical facts".
Still, this late flowering must be a source of pleasure for him. Wajda is one of a number of Polish film-makers who risked losing their way at the end of the Soviet era, when they no longer had anything to define themselves against. From the Warsaw uprisings to the solidarity strikes, Wajda's best work was invariably rooted in social and political issues.
A decade ago, he told me he admired Krzysztof Kieslowski as one of the few Polish film-makers who had managed to adjust to the post-communist world. "Kieslowski actually went against the mainstream of the Polish film-making tradition," Wajda said then. "Most of our films were in one way or another political; we were trying to relate to society and history. He chose a completely different way - a psychological, metaphysical way - of dealing with contemporary life. As events have shown, it was the right way."
Wajda had little success when he tried to follow Kieslowski's path in the 1990s with films such as Miss Nobody. It wasn't until 1999 that his revival began, after he had returned to Polish historical subjects, and directed a screen version of the 19th-century nationalist epic poem Pan Tadeusz. Now, with Katyn, he is again probing a painful episode in the country's past.
Despite his father's death in the massacre, Wajda says that the film is not directly autobiographical. "I couldn't make a film about my father because I simply didn't know much about him," Wajda says. "The last time I saw him was 1939 when he went to the front." The director says he had two clear goals in making the movie: to highlight the massacre and to unravel "the great lies" told about it.
The burning issue now is how the film will go down in Russia. At one stage, the producers had planned a public screening of Katyn at the Polish embassy in Moscow on March 5, the anniversary of Stalin's death. But the Russian elections caused some nervousness, so they opted instead hold a private screening, with the first public showing planned for June at the Moscow film festival.
"Katyn is going to be shown in Russia," Wajda insists. "We've not found a Russian distributor yet, but it is enormously important for this film to be shown in Russia if Polish-Russian relations in the 21st century are to be based in truth, not lies.
"This film is not against the Russian people. It is about the horrors of the Stalin regime. In this forest in Katyn, there were many thousands of Russian civilians and soldiers killed brutally and put into mass graves. It was a graveyard for both the Poles and the Russians."
· The Andrzej Wajda season is at BFI Southbank, London, until May 30
Monday, March 24, 2008
New evidence on Katyn forest massacre cover-up
New evidence on Katyn forest massacre cover-up
New evidence on Katyn forest massacre cover-up
Polska Gazeta ^ | March 2, 2008 | Herbert Romerstein
COVER UP FOR THOSE WHO CARRIED OUT MASS MURDER
By Herbert Romerstein
When the Nazis announced on April 12, 1943 that they had found the bodies of thousands of Polish officers who had been murdered by the Soviets in Katyn forest, most Americans did not believe them. The Nazis were known to commit mass murder and the extensive propaganda campaign in the United States in support of the Soviet Union had affected the thinking of most Americans.
But the Poles knew the truth. They had been asking the Soviets about the missing men for almost two years. And some Americans knew the truth because they understood the Soviet Union and its history. But, it took some time before these voices of truth could be heard.
The Soviets broke relations with the Polish Government in exile in London because the Poles had asked for an International Red Cross investigation. The Soviets claimed to have been insulted. And they used that as an excuse for recognizing a puppet Polish government that the Soviets set up in Lublin.
The American communists joined in the Soviet propaganda campaign. Corliss Lamont, a millionaire communist propagandist, wrote "Soviet Russia's severance of relations with the Polish Government-in-Exile, over the Nazi-inspired charge that the Russians murdered 10,000 Polish army officers, shows clearly the danger to the United Nations of the splitting tactics engineered by Hitler and definitely helped along by the general campaign of anti-Soviet propaganda carried on during recent months in Britain and America. According to the London Bureau of the New York Herald Tribune, 'It is a safe assumption that the Poles would not have taken so tough an attitude toward the Soviet Government if it had not been for the widespread support Americans have been giving them in the cases of Henry Ehrlich and Victor Alter.'"
The reference was to the widespread protests by Jewish and trade union organizations when the Soviets admitted that they had executed Ehrlich and Alter who were leaders of the "Bund", the Jewish trade union organization. According to the communist Lamont, "The shameful anti-Soviet agitation around the Alter-Ehrlich case was followed by the collaboration with Goebbels' propaganda around the German mass murders of Poles." The Polish government had protested to the Soviets about Ehrlich and Alter.
Lamont also quoted from "Professor Lange at the University of Chicago" in support of the communist line. We now know that Oscar Lange had been recruited as an agent of the NKVD by Boleslaw Gebert.
Gebert himself wrote communist propaganda in support of the Soviet Union's false story. In one of his pamphlets, he attacked the commander of the Polish forces fighting in Italy against the Nazis, General Marjan Kukiel. According to Gebert, who was sitting safely in the United States, General Kukiel, who was leading troops in combat against the Nazis, was "Siding with the Germans in their accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for slaughtering Polish officers and soldiers in the forest of Katyn. The world knew that this unspeakable crime was the work of the Germans…." His pamphlet was published by the communist front "Polonia Society of the International Workers Order". He was the head of that organization, which, of course, did not speak for the majority of Polish-Americans.
Not only did communists and NKVD agents carry out the propaganda campaign but, unfortunately, the United States government helped them. The Office of War Information (OWI) tried to intimidate the Polish-American radio stations and newspapers when they told the truth about the Soviet atrocity against the Poles.
Alan Cranston was head of the Foreign Language Division of the OWI and later a U.S. Senator from California. He called a meeting of OWI officials because the Polish-American radio stations "had taken a rather antagonistic attitude toward Russia" on the Katyn forest issue. Cranston felt that this "was inimical to the war effort and should be straightened out". The radio stations and newspapers were contacted and threatened with being closed down if they continued to tell the truth about the Soviet Union.
In 1952 the U.S. Congress held hearings on Katyn. More Americans learned the truth. When the Soviets recaptured the Smolensk area, they organized their own tribunal to "investigate" the murder of the Polish officers. The American press in Moscow was invited to observe. The American ambassador, Averell Harriman, sent his young daughter to represent the American Embassy. Years later she was asked by the Congressional committee investigating Katyn why her father had sent her instead of someone who was older or was a medical authority. She answered that the Soviets might not have allowed someone more experienced but it would be difficult for them to refuse her. She had believed the Soviet propaganda line; but by 1952 when she testified before the committee, she knew that the Soviets had committed the crime. She testified that she had thought that the Germans did it because the bodies were laid out in methodical manner. Apparently, she thought that the Russians could not do anything in an orderly way.
At the time of the German announcement of Katyn the American ambassador was William Standley. He understood the Soviet Union and did not trust them. He made the mistake of speaking openly to the American correspondents in Moscow. One of them represented the "Daily Worker", the Communist Party USA newspaper. She was called Janet Weaver. She was actually Janet West Ross, the wife of the American Communist Party representative to the Comintern. She regularly reported Ambassador Standley's comments and other information gleaned from conversations with American officials to Dimitrov, head of the Comintern. He passed them on to Molotov. We found a collection of her reports in the Comintern Archives in Moscow. On March 8, 1943, she reported to Dimitrov that Ambassador Standley had revealed to the American journalists that the Soviets were concealing from the Russian people the truth about the massive amount of American war materials supplied. Two days after her report, Harry Hopkins pressed President Roosevelt to remove Ambassador Standley. Hopkins succeeded, and Standley was replaced by the naïve Averill Harriman, who was much more acceptable to the Soviets. It was only in the 1980s that we learned of the evidence that Hopkins was an NKVD agent.
President Roosevelt had heard from Winston Churchill the truth about Katyn. Churchill shared with Roosevelt the information he had received on the Soviet responsibility for the murders. However, when Roosevelt heard from his own representative, George Earle, former governor of Pennsylvania, that he had information that the Soviets had committed the crime, he refused to listen. Earle had been sent by the President to Turkey and Bulgaria under diplomatic cover to report directly to the President, about the Balkans. Before seeing the President, Earle spoke to his friend Joe Levy, of the "New York Times". Levy warned him that "Harry Hopkins has complete domination over the President and the whole atmosphere over there is 'pink'." He advised Earle to be careful when he told the President the truth about Russia. Later, Earle told the President that he wanted to go public about Katyn, Roosevelt wrote to him "I specifically forbid you to publish any information or opinion about an ally that you may have acquired while in office or in the service of the United States Navy."
Lt. Col. John Van Vliet, Jr. was an American prisoner of war in Germany. He was one of the Allied officers brought by the Germans to Katyn in 1943. When he returned to the United States in 1945, he wrote a report for the United States government revealing his knowledge of the Soviet responsibility for the murders. His report was marked "Top Secret".
The Polish-American community continued to speak out on the truth about Katyn. After the war, they got two valuable allies. One was Arthur Bliss Lane, the U.S. ambassador to Poland 1944-1947. His book "I Saw Poland Betrayed", published in 1948, was the first time many Americans heard the truth about Katyn. The other was Julius Epstein. He was an Austrian born Jew who had escaped from the Nazis. He was now an American citizen and a prominent journalist. Epstein opposed both the Nazis and the Communists. During the war, he had worked for the Office of War Information and was horrified by the pro-Soviet propaganda he saw that agency promoting.
In 1949, Epstein joined Ambassador Lane in forming the "American Committee for the Investigation of the Katyn Massacre". The Committee in coordination with the Polish-American community published pamphlets and articles telling the American people the truth about Katyn.
The Voice of America, the official voice of the American government, briefly mentioned the formation of the Committee, but refused to broadcast former Ambassador Lane's speech. When Epstein visited officials of Voice of America in New York and Washington, he demanded to know why they were not telling the truth about Katyn. They answered "We are playing down Katyn, because it would create too much hatred against Stalin among the Poles." When Epstein asked whether they wanted to create love for Stalin among the Poles at the American taxpayer expenses, he got no answer.
Count Joseph Czapski, a Polish officer had been imprisoned by the Soviets with the other Polish officers. He was released when the Soviets thought that he would be valuable for their propaganda to the West. Instead he represented General Anders in investigating the whereabouts of the missing Polish officers. He was the source of much of the information about the Soviet attempt to cover up before the bodies were found. When Count Czapski visited the United States, the Voice of America asked him to make a broadcast. He submitted the text in advance. Voice of America officials crossed out any reference to the Soviet crime. He could not even mention the word Katyn.
When Julius Epstein learned of the existence of the Van Vliet report, he and Ambassador Lane asked Congress to obtain the report. Representative George A. Dondero of Michigan began a campaign to get the Army to release the report. After many excuses, it became apparent that the report was missing. Finally the Army revealed that immediately after Col. Van Vliet submitted his report, it was sent to the State Department. There were no carbon copies kept by the Army. The State Department claimed to know nothing about it. It is interesting to note that the report went to that part of the State Department headed by Alger Hiss. We now know that Alger Hiss was a Soviet spy. So we can understand the disappearance of the document.
It was only in May 1951 that the Voice of America would allow some discussion of the subject. But even after that, the cover up of the Soviet crime continued, with only occasional mention of the Soviet crimes.
In 1978 at a writer's conference in Poland, the prominent writer and poet Andrzej Braun spoke out against the censorship of the truth about Katyn. The Voice of America Warsaw correspondent, Ron Pemstein, sent a report on Braun's speech to Washington. Pemstein reported that the poet cited as an example of censorship the refusal to tell the truth about "the murder of Polish officers by the Soviet Union at Katyn forest in 1940". A half an hour after the story reached Washington, the Voice of America had edited out the words "by the Soviet Union" and the date "1940". The story simply said "Braun cited the murder of Polish officers in World War II." Eleven Polish-Americans working at Voice of America sent a protest to the head of the Voice's European Division. He called a meeting and scolded them for complaining. Remember, this happened during the Jimmy Carter Administration in 1978. When this story appeared in the press, Voice of America director Peter Straus said that the censorship was a "error in judgment by the news editor." But more and more Americans were learning the truth. By the 1980s during the Reagan Administration most American knew the truth about Katyn.
In the years between 1945 and 1991, the KGB carried on numerous disinformation campaigns to conceal the guilt of the Soviet Union for the murders. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, more and more information became available about Katyn. We now even know that Stalin himself, together with Voroshilov, Molotov, and Mikoyan, signed the report from Beria ordering the murders of the Poles at Katyn.
Herbert Romerstein is director of the Center for Security Research at the Education and Research Institute and author of The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors.
New evidence on Katyn forest massacre cover-up
Polska Gazeta ^ | March 2, 2008 | Herbert Romerstein
COVER UP FOR THOSE WHO CARRIED OUT MASS MURDER
By Herbert Romerstein
When the Nazis announced on April 12, 1943 that they had found the bodies of thousands of Polish officers who had been murdered by the Soviets in Katyn forest, most Americans did not believe them. The Nazis were known to commit mass murder and the extensive propaganda campaign in the United States in support of the Soviet Union had affected the thinking of most Americans.
But the Poles knew the truth. They had been asking the Soviets about the missing men for almost two years. And some Americans knew the truth because they understood the Soviet Union and its history. But, it took some time before these voices of truth could be heard.
The Soviets broke relations with the Polish Government in exile in London because the Poles had asked for an International Red Cross investigation. The Soviets claimed to have been insulted. And they used that as an excuse for recognizing a puppet Polish government that the Soviets set up in Lublin.
The American communists joined in the Soviet propaganda campaign. Corliss Lamont, a millionaire communist propagandist, wrote "Soviet Russia's severance of relations with the Polish Government-in-Exile, over the Nazi-inspired charge that the Russians murdered 10,000 Polish army officers, shows clearly the danger to the United Nations of the splitting tactics engineered by Hitler and definitely helped along by the general campaign of anti-Soviet propaganda carried on during recent months in Britain and America. According to the London Bureau of the New York Herald Tribune, 'It is a safe assumption that the Poles would not have taken so tough an attitude toward the Soviet Government if it had not been for the widespread support Americans have been giving them in the cases of Henry Ehrlich and Victor Alter.'"
The reference was to the widespread protests by Jewish and trade union organizations when the Soviets admitted that they had executed Ehrlich and Alter who were leaders of the "Bund", the Jewish trade union organization. According to the communist Lamont, "The shameful anti-Soviet agitation around the Alter-Ehrlich case was followed by the collaboration with Goebbels' propaganda around the German mass murders of Poles." The Polish government had protested to the Soviets about Ehrlich and Alter.
Lamont also quoted from "Professor Lange at the University of Chicago" in support of the communist line. We now know that Oscar Lange had been recruited as an agent of the NKVD by Boleslaw Gebert.
Gebert himself wrote communist propaganda in support of the Soviet Union's false story. In one of his pamphlets, he attacked the commander of the Polish forces fighting in Italy against the Nazis, General Marjan Kukiel. According to Gebert, who was sitting safely in the United States, General Kukiel, who was leading troops in combat against the Nazis, was "Siding with the Germans in their accusations that the Soviet Union was responsible for slaughtering Polish officers and soldiers in the forest of Katyn. The world knew that this unspeakable crime was the work of the Germans…." His pamphlet was published by the communist front "Polonia Society of the International Workers Order". He was the head of that organization, which, of course, did not speak for the majority of Polish-Americans.
Not only did communists and NKVD agents carry out the propaganda campaign but, unfortunately, the United States government helped them. The Office of War Information (OWI) tried to intimidate the Polish-American radio stations and newspapers when they told the truth about the Soviet atrocity against the Poles.
Alan Cranston was head of the Foreign Language Division of the OWI and later a U.S. Senator from California. He called a meeting of OWI officials because the Polish-American radio stations "had taken a rather antagonistic attitude toward Russia" on the Katyn forest issue. Cranston felt that this "was inimical to the war effort and should be straightened out". The radio stations and newspapers were contacted and threatened with being closed down if they continued to tell the truth about the Soviet Union.
In 1952 the U.S. Congress held hearings on Katyn. More Americans learned the truth. When the Soviets recaptured the Smolensk area, they organized their own tribunal to "investigate" the murder of the Polish officers. The American press in Moscow was invited to observe. The American ambassador, Averell Harriman, sent his young daughter to represent the American Embassy. Years later she was asked by the Congressional committee investigating Katyn why her father had sent her instead of someone who was older or was a medical authority. She answered that the Soviets might not have allowed someone more experienced but it would be difficult for them to refuse her. She had believed the Soviet propaganda line; but by 1952 when she testified before the committee, she knew that the Soviets had committed the crime. She testified that she had thought that the Germans did it because the bodies were laid out in methodical manner. Apparently, she thought that the Russians could not do anything in an orderly way.
At the time of the German announcement of Katyn the American ambassador was William Standley. He understood the Soviet Union and did not trust them. He made the mistake of speaking openly to the American correspondents in Moscow. One of them represented the "Daily Worker", the Communist Party USA newspaper. She was called Janet Weaver. She was actually Janet West Ross, the wife of the American Communist Party representative to the Comintern. She regularly reported Ambassador Standley's comments and other information gleaned from conversations with American officials to Dimitrov, head of the Comintern. He passed them on to Molotov. We found a collection of her reports in the Comintern Archives in Moscow. On March 8, 1943, she reported to Dimitrov that Ambassador Standley had revealed to the American journalists that the Soviets were concealing from the Russian people the truth about the massive amount of American war materials supplied. Two days after her report, Harry Hopkins pressed President Roosevelt to remove Ambassador Standley. Hopkins succeeded, and Standley was replaced by the naïve Averill Harriman, who was much more acceptable to the Soviets. It was only in the 1980s that we learned of the evidence that Hopkins was an NKVD agent.
President Roosevelt had heard from Winston Churchill the truth about Katyn. Churchill shared with Roosevelt the information he had received on the Soviet responsibility for the murders. However, when Roosevelt heard from his own representative, George Earle, former governor of Pennsylvania, that he had information that the Soviets had committed the crime, he refused to listen. Earle had been sent by the President to Turkey and Bulgaria under diplomatic cover to report directly to the President, about the Balkans. Before seeing the President, Earle spoke to his friend Joe Levy, of the "New York Times". Levy warned him that "Harry Hopkins has complete domination over the President and the whole atmosphere over there is 'pink'." He advised Earle to be careful when he told the President the truth about Russia. Later, Earle told the President that he wanted to go public about Katyn, Roosevelt wrote to him "I specifically forbid you to publish any information or opinion about an ally that you may have acquired while in office or in the service of the United States Navy."
Lt. Col. John Van Vliet, Jr. was an American prisoner of war in Germany. He was one of the Allied officers brought by the Germans to Katyn in 1943. When he returned to the United States in 1945, he wrote a report for the United States government revealing his knowledge of the Soviet responsibility for the murders. His report was marked "Top Secret".
The Polish-American community continued to speak out on the truth about Katyn. After the war, they got two valuable allies. One was Arthur Bliss Lane, the U.S. ambassador to Poland 1944-1947. His book "I Saw Poland Betrayed", published in 1948, was the first time many Americans heard the truth about Katyn. The other was Julius Epstein. He was an Austrian born Jew who had escaped from the Nazis. He was now an American citizen and a prominent journalist. Epstein opposed both the Nazis and the Communists. During the war, he had worked for the Office of War Information and was horrified by the pro-Soviet propaganda he saw that agency promoting.
In 1949, Epstein joined Ambassador Lane in forming the "American Committee for the Investigation of the Katyn Massacre". The Committee in coordination with the Polish-American community published pamphlets and articles telling the American people the truth about Katyn.
The Voice of America, the official voice of the American government, briefly mentioned the formation of the Committee, but refused to broadcast former Ambassador Lane's speech. When Epstein visited officials of Voice of America in New York and Washington, he demanded to know why they were not telling the truth about Katyn. They answered "We are playing down Katyn, because it would create too much hatred against Stalin among the Poles." When Epstein asked whether they wanted to create love for Stalin among the Poles at the American taxpayer expenses, he got no answer.
Count Joseph Czapski, a Polish officer had been imprisoned by the Soviets with the other Polish officers. He was released when the Soviets thought that he would be valuable for their propaganda to the West. Instead he represented General Anders in investigating the whereabouts of the missing Polish officers. He was the source of much of the information about the Soviet attempt to cover up before the bodies were found. When Count Czapski visited the United States, the Voice of America asked him to make a broadcast. He submitted the text in advance. Voice of America officials crossed out any reference to the Soviet crime. He could not even mention the word Katyn.
When Julius Epstein learned of the existence of the Van Vliet report, he and Ambassador Lane asked Congress to obtain the report. Representative George A. Dondero of Michigan began a campaign to get the Army to release the report. After many excuses, it became apparent that the report was missing. Finally the Army revealed that immediately after Col. Van Vliet submitted his report, it was sent to the State Department. There were no carbon copies kept by the Army. The State Department claimed to know nothing about it. It is interesting to note that the report went to that part of the State Department headed by Alger Hiss. We now know that Alger Hiss was a Soviet spy. So we can understand the disappearance of the document.
It was only in May 1951 that the Voice of America would allow some discussion of the subject. But even after that, the cover up of the Soviet crime continued, with only occasional mention of the Soviet crimes.
In 1978 at a writer's conference in Poland, the prominent writer and poet Andrzej Braun spoke out against the censorship of the truth about Katyn. The Voice of America Warsaw correspondent, Ron Pemstein, sent a report on Braun's speech to Washington. Pemstein reported that the poet cited as an example of censorship the refusal to tell the truth about "the murder of Polish officers by the Soviet Union at Katyn forest in 1940". A half an hour after the story reached Washington, the Voice of America had edited out the words "by the Soviet Union" and the date "1940". The story simply said "Braun cited the murder of Polish officers in World War II." Eleven Polish-Americans working at Voice of America sent a protest to the head of the Voice's European Division. He called a meeting and scolded them for complaining. Remember, this happened during the Jimmy Carter Administration in 1978. When this story appeared in the press, Voice of America director Peter Straus said that the censorship was a "error in judgment by the news editor." But more and more Americans were learning the truth. By the 1980s during the Reagan Administration most American knew the truth about Katyn.
In the years between 1945 and 1991, the KGB carried on numerous disinformation campaigns to conceal the guilt of the Soviet Union for the murders. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, more and more information became available about Katyn. We now even know that Stalin himself, together with Voroshilov, Molotov, and Mikoyan, signed the report from Beria ordering the murders of the Poles at Katyn.
Herbert Romerstein is director of the Center for Security Research at the Education and Research Institute and author of The Venona Secrets: Exposing Soviet Espionage and America's Traitors.
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
Pilecki i Anders
Ochotnik do Auschwitz/Volunteer for Auschwitz - W. Pilecki
("Let's Reminisce About Witold Pilecki")
Witold Pilecki was born in Poland in 1901. When the German Army invaded the country in September, 1939, Pilecki joined the Tajna Armia Polska, the Secret Polish Army.
When Pilecki discovered the existence of Auschwitz, he suggested a plan to his senior officers. Pilecki argued he should get himself arrested and sent to the concentration camp. He would then send out reports of what was happening in the camp. Pilecki would also explore the possibility of organizing a mass break-out.
Pilecki's colonel eventually agreed and after securing a false identity as Tomasz Serafinski, he arranged to be arrested in September, 1940. As expected he was sent to Auschwitz where he became prisoner 4,859. His work consisted of building more huts to hold the increased numbers of prisoners.
Pilecki soon discovered the brutality of the Schutz Staffeinel (SS) guards. When one man managed to escape on 28th October 1940, all the prisoners were forced to stand at attention on the parade-ground from noon till nine in the evening. Anyone who moved was shot and over 200 prisoners died of exposure. Pilecki was able to send reports back to the Tajna Armia Polska explaining how the Germans were treating their prisoners. This information was then sent to the foreign office in London.
In 1942 Pilecki discovered that new windowless concrete huts were being built with nozzles in their ceilings. Soon afterwards he heard that that prisoners were being herded into these huts and that the nozzles were being used to feed cyanide gas into the building. Afterwards the bodies were taken to the building next door where they were cremated.
Pilecki got this information to the Tajna Armia Polska who passed it onto the British foreign office. This information was then passed on to the governments of other Allied countries. However, most people who saw the reports refused to believe them and dismissed the stories as attempts by the Poles to manipulate the military strategy of the Allies.
In the autumn of 1942, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, a member of the Polish Communist Party, was sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki and Cyrankiewicz worked closely together in organizing a mass breakout. By the end of 1942 they had a group of 500 ready to try and overthrow their guards.
Four of the inmates escaped on their own on 29th December, 1942. One of these men, a dentist called Kuczbara, was caught and interrogated by the Gestapo. Kuczbara was one of the leaders of Pilecki's group and so when he heard the news he realized that it would be only a matter of time before the SS realized that he had been organizing these escape attempts.
Pilecki had already arranged his escape route and after feigning typhus, he escaped from the hospital on 24th April, 1943. After hiding in the local forest, Pilecki reached his unit of the Tajna Armia Polska on 2nd May. He returned to normal duties and fought during the Warsaw Uprising in the summer of 1944. Although captured by the German Army he was eventually released by Allied troops in April, 1945.
After the Second World War Pilecki went to live in Poland.The Polish Secret Police had him executed in 1948. It is believed that this was a result of his anti-communist activities.
Only Ghosts And Echoes -
Posted by Felis in Heroes, History (Sunday February 12, 2006 at 5:03 pm)
I learnt about Witold Pilecki only by accident, when my maternal grandfather dropped his name while talking about his former associate and the then Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz.
- Cyrankiewicz, he said, could have saved Pilecki but of course his own heroic tale could have been ruined.
I started asking my grandfather additional questions and learnt a few things about this man, Witold Pilecki, who according to my grandfather’s patchy story, volunteered to go to Auschwitz to gather intelligence for the Home Army (Polish Military Underground Organization) operating during the German occupation.
It was, I think, 1967 and Witold Pilecki as far as the communist authorities were concerned, officially never existed.
My grandfather knew Jozef Cyrankiewicz because both of them were members of PPS -Polish Socialist Party before WWII (PPS was a social-democratic party). Cyrankiewicz was captured and sent by the Germans to Auschwitz in 1942 but my grandfather was saved from being captured by his new identity supported by false documents. After the war, most of the members of PPS accepted the communists’ offer to join the Soviet bandwagon in exchange for good positions within the new administration and sometimes because they weren’t sure what might happen to them if they refused.
This move gave the communists more legitimacy among Western countries as well as the desperate Polish nation.
Or so they thought.
The communist party members were mostly imported from the Soviet Union.
These people, officially Polish, very often could not speak the language and like the first President Boleslaw Bierut were full time NKVG (Soviet Security) employees (the real Polish communist who ended up in Russia after 1939 were mostly executed by Stalin in the 40’s).
And so PPS and PPR (Polish Worker’s Party) were amalgamated into PZPR (Polish United Worker’s Party).
My grandpa was one of those scoundrels, who joined the new organization and for the rest of his life tried to convince himself that his decision was morally justified. He never really made it to the “top†and that is probably why he felt resentment towards Cyrankiewicz for not assisting his old comrades a little bit harder.This is how I learnt about Witold Pilecki for the first time. My grandfather made bitter comments about Cyrankiewicz’s duplicity.
I digress.
I started searching for some more information about Pilecki and slowly a picture emerged, which as much as it was depressing, gave me the feeling of faith in certain moral values, which I thought were long time dead.
Witold Pilecki was rehabilitated only in 1991 and so as I was searching a few days ago for some extra materials about him, I discovered this Wikipedia entry.
There are more sources available on line but because most of them are in Polish, I decided to quote and to translate some additional and interesting aspects of Pilecki’s life story to pay a tribute to the man, who I think, deserves much more recognition.
It was 1940 the Secret Polish Army received conflicting reports about this “new facility†being built and expanded by the Germans in Auschwitz (Oswiecim in Polish) near Kraków.The commanders of the underground, secret army were also receiving requests from the Polish Government, in exile in London; to investigate and to report about German activities around Auschwitz as the unconfirmed rumors about atrocities taking place there reached the allied forces. Witold Pilecki, a lieutenant in the underground army, was the man who volunteered to Auschwitz.
Witold Pilecki was born in 1901 in Oluniec in Russia, where his family was exiled for taking part in the 1863 uprising against Russian occupation of Poland. In 1910 his family moved back into the remains of their property (Pilecki family were small gentry-landowners) near Wilno (today Vilnius). In 1918, he volunteered for the Polish Army that was being formed at that time, and then fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1920.
Witold Pilecki in his cavalry uniform
In 1921 Pilecki took leave from the army to pass his High School Certificate exams (Matura). He attempted studying fine arts at the Stefan Batory University for a while.
Finally, he finishes Military school of Cavalry Reserve in Grudziadz and after being transferred to the Army Reserve as a second lieutenant, he takes over the farm management in his family property in Sukurcze in 1926. He lived and worked in Sukurcze until the outbreak of WWII. These were the happiest years of his life.
Witold Pilecki in before WWII
In 1931 Pilecki married Marianna Ostrowska, a teacher from Masovia. They had two children, a son Andrew and daughter Zofia. In the September campaign of 1939, Pilecki fought as a member of the “Prusy†army group. In November after the collapse of Polish defenses, he helped to found the Secret Polish Army, where he served as the Chief of Staff. In August 1940 Pilecki volunteered to infiltrate Germany’s Auschwitz Concentration Camp at Oswiecim
with the following objectives in mind:
Setting up of a secret organization within the camp to:
Provide extra food and distribute clothing among organization members.
Keep up the morale among fellow inmates and supply them with news from the
outside.
Preparing a task force to take over the camp in the eventuality of the
dropping of arms or of a live force (e.g. paratroops).
Report all of the above to the Secret Army headquarters
On September 19, 1940, with the permission of his commanding officers, he intentionally allowed himself to be captured by the Germans during a round-up in Warsaw’s suburb Zoliborz.
He arrived at Auschwitz at 10 P.M. on September 21, 1940, in the “second†Warsaw transport, under the name Tomasz Serafinski. He was registered as number 4859.
Â
Oswiecim - Pilecki’s mug shot
Â
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (1) translated from Polish:
They made us run straight ahead towards the thicker concentration of lights. Further towards the destination (the SS troopers) ordered one of us to run to the pole on the side of the road and immediately a series from a submachine gun was sent after him.
Dead.
Ten other inmates were pulled out at random from the marching column and shot with pistols while still running to demonstrate to us the idea of “collective reprisal†if an escape was attempted by any one of us (in this case it was all arranged by the SS troopers).
They pulled all eleven corpses by ropes attached to just one leg. Dogs baited the blood soaked bodies.
All of it was done with laughter and jeering.
We were closing to the gate, an opening in the line of fences made of wire.
There was a sign at the top: “Arbeit macht frei†(Through Work To Freedom).
Only later we could fully appreciate its real meaning.
Pilecki survived his first days in Auschwitz and later established the first cell of his secret organization.
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (2) translated from Polish:
From the darkness, from above the camp’s kitchen, Seidler the butcher spoke to us: †Do not even dream that any one of you will get out of here alive.
Your daily food ratio is intended to keep you alive for 6 weeks; whoever lives longer it’s because he steals and those who steal will be placed in SK, where nobody lives for too long.â€
Wladyslaw Baworowski - the camp’s interpreter translated it to us into Polish.
SK (Straf-Kompanie - Penal Company).
This unit was designated for all Jews, Catholic priests and those Poles whose “offencesâ€
were proven. Ernst Krankemann, the Block Commander, had a duty of finishing off as many prisoners of the unit as he possibly could to make room for new, daily “arrivalsâ€.
This duty suited Krankemann’s character very well.
If someone accidentally moved just little bit too much from the row of prisoners, Krankemann stabbed him with his knife, which he always carried in his right sleeve.
If someone, afraid of making this mistake, positioned himself slightly too far behind, he would be stabbed by the butcher in the kidney.
The sight of a falling human being, kicking his legs and moaning aggravated Krankemann.
He would jump straight away on the victim’s rib cage, kicked his kidneys and genitals, and finished him off as quickly as possible.
In ‘The Polish Underground Movement in Auschwitz’ Garlinski says:.
Pilecki’s secret organization, which he called the ‘Union of Military Organization’, was composed of cells of five prisoners who were unknown to one another with one man designated to be their commander.
These cells were to be found mainly in the camp hospital and camp work allocation office.
Once the first cells were established, contact with Warsaw became essential.
It so happened that at the time, by exceptionally fortuitous circumstances, a prisoner was released from the camp who was able to take Pilecki’s first report. Later reports were smuggled out by civilian workers employed in the camp. Another means was through prisoners who had decided to escape.
From the very start Pilecki’s principal aim was to take over Auschwitz concentration camp and free all the prisoners. He envisaged achieving this by having Home Army detachments attacking from the outside while cadre members of his Union of Military Organization, numbering around a thousand prisoners, would start a revolt from within. All his reports primarily concerned this matter. However, the Home Army High Command was less optimistic and did not believe such an operation to be viable while the Eastern Front was still far away.
In his diary Pilecki didn’t give the SS troopers much credit, and was certain that his organization could have taken control of the camp.
He waited for orders from the headquarters but at the same time the Germans started arresting members of Pilecki’s secret organization and he knew his time was up.
He also believed that if he could present “his case†in person some action would be taken.
Pilecki therefore felt it necessary to present his plans personally. This meant that he would have to escape from the camp, which he succeeded in doing with two other prisoners on 27th April 1943. Before the breakout Pilecki passed on his position within the camp organization to fellow inmate Henryk Bartoszewicz. However, neither his subsequent report nor the fact that he presented it in person altered the high command’s decision.
Fearing the reprisals on the entire Polish population was one of the reasons why such action was not allowed by the high command in London.
Another one was that there was no way to hide or to move such enormous number of people anywhere and with the Eastern Front still far away the whole project was considered unrealistic.
Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Â
Pilecki - communist jail mug shots
Â
He was interrogated and tortured for many months. His finger nails were pulled out and his collarbones broken and he could hardly walk.
He never “talkedâ€.
After his process, which was a simple farce, he was sentenced to death by a firing squad.
There was no firing squad though.
The executioners dragged him the basement of the Security Headquarters building, into the boiler room.
He was gagged and could not walk.
They shot him with a single slug into the back of his head. He was buried somewhere on the rubbish tip next to the Powazki Cemetery.
His body was never found.
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
Pilecki i Anders
Ochotnik do Auschwitz/Volunteer for Auschwitz - W. Pilecki
("Let's Reminisce About Witold Pilecki")
Witold Pilecki was born in Poland in 1901. When the German Army invaded the country in September, 1939, Pilecki joined the Tajna Armia Polska, the Secret Polish Army.
When Pilecki discovered the existence of Auschwitz, he suggested a plan to his senior officers. Pilecki argued he should get himself arrested and sent to the concentration camp. He would then send out reports of what was happening in the camp. Pilecki would also explore the possibility of organizing a mass break-out.
Pilecki's colonel eventually agreed and after securing a false identity as Tomasz Serafinski, he arranged to be arrested in September, 1940. As expected he was sent to Auschwitz where he became prisoner 4,859. His work consisted of building more huts to hold the increased numbers of prisoners.
Pilecki soon discovered the brutality of the Schutz Staffeinel (SS) guards. When one man managed to escape on 28th October 1940, all the prisoners were forced to stand at attention on the parade-ground from noon till nine in the evening. Anyone who moved was shot and over 200 prisoners died of exposure. Pilecki was able to send reports back to the Tajna Armia Polska explaining how the Germans were treating their prisoners. This information was then sent to the foreign office in London.
In 1942 Pilecki discovered that new windowless concrete huts were being built with nozzles in their ceilings. Soon afterwards he heard that that prisoners were being herded into these huts and that the nozzles were being used to feed cyanide gas into the building. Afterwards the bodies were taken to the building next door where they were cremated.
Pilecki got this information to the Tajna Armia Polska who passed it onto the British foreign office. This information was then passed on to the governments of other Allied countries. However, most people who saw the reports refused to believe them and dismissed the stories as attempts by the Poles to manipulate the military strategy of the Allies.
In the autumn of 1942, Jozef Cyrankiewicz, a member of the Polish Communist Party, was sent to Auschwitz. Pilecki and Cyrankiewicz worked closely together in organizing a mass breakout. By the end of 1942 they had a group of 500 ready to try and overthrow their guards.
Four of the inmates escaped on their own on 29th December, 1942. One of these men, a dentist called Kuczbara, was caught and interrogated by the Gestapo. Kuczbara was one of the leaders of Pilecki's group and so when he heard the news he realized that it would be only a matter of time before the SS realized that he had been organizing these escape attempts.
Pilecki had already arranged his escape route and after feigning typhus, he escaped from the hospital on 24th April, 1943. After hiding in the local forest, Pilecki reached his unit of the Tajna Armia Polska on 2nd May. He returned to normal duties and fought during the Warsaw Uprising in the summer of 1944. Although captured by the German Army he was eventually released by Allied troops in April, 1945.
After the Second World War Pilecki went to live in Poland.The Polish Secret Police had him executed in 1948. It is believed that this was a result of his anti-communist activities.
Only Ghosts And Echoes -
Posted by Felis in Heroes, History (Sunday February 12, 2006 at 5:03 pm)
I learnt about Witold Pilecki only by accident, when my maternal grandfather dropped his name while talking about his former associate and the then Polish Prime Minister Jozef Cyrankiewicz.
- Cyrankiewicz, he said, could have saved Pilecki but of course his own heroic tale could have been ruined.
I started asking my grandfather additional questions and learnt a few things about this man, Witold Pilecki, who according to my grandfather’s patchy story, volunteered to go to Auschwitz to gather intelligence for the Home Army (Polish Military Underground Organization) operating during the German occupation.
It was, I think, 1967 and Witold Pilecki as far as the communist authorities were concerned, officially never existed.
My grandfather knew Jozef Cyrankiewicz because both of them were members of PPS -Polish Socialist Party before WWII (PPS was a social-democratic party). Cyrankiewicz was captured and sent by the Germans to Auschwitz in 1942 but my grandfather was saved from being captured by his new identity supported by false documents. After the war, most of the members of PPS accepted the communists’ offer to join the Soviet bandwagon in exchange for good positions within the new administration and sometimes because they weren’t sure what might happen to them if they refused.
This move gave the communists more legitimacy among Western countries as well as the desperate Polish nation.
Or so they thought.
The communist party members were mostly imported from the Soviet Union.
These people, officially Polish, very often could not speak the language and like the first President Boleslaw Bierut were full time NKVG (Soviet Security) employees (the real Polish communist who ended up in Russia after 1939 were mostly executed by Stalin in the 40’s).
And so PPS and PPR (Polish Worker’s Party) were amalgamated into PZPR (Polish United Worker’s Party).
My grandpa was one of those scoundrels, who joined the new organization and for the rest of his life tried to convince himself that his decision was morally justified. He never really made it to the “top†and that is probably why he felt resentment towards Cyrankiewicz for not assisting his old comrades a little bit harder.This is how I learnt about Witold Pilecki for the first time. My grandfather made bitter comments about Cyrankiewicz’s duplicity.
I digress.
I started searching for some more information about Pilecki and slowly a picture emerged, which as much as it was depressing, gave me the feeling of faith in certain moral values, which I thought were long time dead.
Witold Pilecki was rehabilitated only in 1991 and so as I was searching a few days ago for some extra materials about him, I discovered this Wikipedia entry.
There are more sources available on line but because most of them are in Polish, I decided to quote and to translate some additional and interesting aspects of Pilecki’s life story to pay a tribute to the man, who I think, deserves much more recognition.
It was 1940 the Secret Polish Army received conflicting reports about this “new facility†being built and expanded by the Germans in Auschwitz (Oswiecim in Polish) near Kraków.The commanders of the underground, secret army were also receiving requests from the Polish Government, in exile in London; to investigate and to report about German activities around Auschwitz as the unconfirmed rumors about atrocities taking place there reached the allied forces. Witold Pilecki, a lieutenant in the underground army, was the man who volunteered to Auschwitz.
Witold Pilecki was born in 1901 in Oluniec in Russia, where his family was exiled for taking part in the 1863 uprising against Russian occupation of Poland. In 1910 his family moved back into the remains of their property (Pilecki family were small gentry-landowners) near Wilno (today Vilnius). In 1918, he volunteered for the Polish Army that was being formed at that time, and then fought in the Polish-Bolshevik War of 1920.
Witold Pilecki in his cavalry uniform
In 1921 Pilecki took leave from the army to pass his High School Certificate exams (Matura). He attempted studying fine arts at the Stefan Batory University for a while.
Finally, he finishes Military school of Cavalry Reserve in Grudziadz and after being transferred to the Army Reserve as a second lieutenant, he takes over the farm management in his family property in Sukurcze in 1926. He lived and worked in Sukurcze until the outbreak of WWII. These were the happiest years of his life.
Witold Pilecki in before WWII
In 1931 Pilecki married Marianna Ostrowska, a teacher from Masovia. They had two children, a son Andrew and daughter Zofia. In the September campaign of 1939, Pilecki fought as a member of the “Prusy†army group. In November after the collapse of Polish defenses, he helped to found the Secret Polish Army, where he served as the Chief of Staff. In August 1940 Pilecki volunteered to infiltrate Germany’s Auschwitz Concentration Camp at Oswiecim
with the following objectives in mind:
Setting up of a secret organization within the camp to:
Provide extra food and distribute clothing among organization members.
Keep up the morale among fellow inmates and supply them with news from the
outside.
Preparing a task force to take over the camp in the eventuality of the
dropping of arms or of a live force (e.g. paratroops).
Report all of the above to the Secret Army headquarters
On September 19, 1940, with the permission of his commanding officers, he intentionally allowed himself to be captured by the Germans during a round-up in Warsaw’s suburb Zoliborz.
He arrived at Auschwitz at 10 P.M. on September 21, 1940, in the “second†Warsaw transport, under the name Tomasz Serafinski. He was registered as number 4859.
Â
Oswiecim - Pilecki’s mug shot
Â
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (1) translated from Polish:
They made us run straight ahead towards the thicker concentration of lights. Further towards the destination (the SS troopers) ordered one of us to run to the pole on the side of the road and immediately a series from a submachine gun was sent after him.
Dead.
Ten other inmates were pulled out at random from the marching column and shot with pistols while still running to demonstrate to us the idea of “collective reprisal†if an escape was attempted by any one of us (in this case it was all arranged by the SS troopers).
They pulled all eleven corpses by ropes attached to just one leg. Dogs baited the blood soaked bodies.
All of it was done with laughter and jeering.
We were closing to the gate, an opening in the line of fences made of wire.
There was a sign at the top: “Arbeit macht frei†(Through Work To Freedom).
Only later we could fully appreciate its real meaning.
Pilecki survived his first days in Auschwitz and later established the first cell of his secret organization.
Fragment of Pilecki’s diary (2) translated from Polish:
From the darkness, from above the camp’s kitchen, Seidler the butcher spoke to us: †Do not even dream that any one of you will get out of here alive.
Your daily food ratio is intended to keep you alive for 6 weeks; whoever lives longer it’s because he steals and those who steal will be placed in SK, where nobody lives for too long.â€
Wladyslaw Baworowski - the camp’s interpreter translated it to us into Polish.
SK (Straf-Kompanie - Penal Company).
This unit was designated for all Jews, Catholic priests and those Poles whose “offencesâ€
were proven. Ernst Krankemann, the Block Commander, had a duty of finishing off as many prisoners of the unit as he possibly could to make room for new, daily “arrivalsâ€.
This duty suited Krankemann’s character very well.
If someone accidentally moved just little bit too much from the row of prisoners, Krankemann stabbed him with his knife, which he always carried in his right sleeve.
If someone, afraid of making this mistake, positioned himself slightly too far behind, he would be stabbed by the butcher in the kidney.
The sight of a falling human being, kicking his legs and moaning aggravated Krankemann.
He would jump straight away on the victim’s rib cage, kicked his kidneys and genitals, and finished him off as quickly as possible.
In ‘The Polish Underground Movement in Auschwitz’ Garlinski says:.
Pilecki’s secret organization, which he called the ‘Union of Military Organization’, was composed of cells of five prisoners who were unknown to one another with one man designated to be their commander.
These cells were to be found mainly in the camp hospital and camp work allocation office.
Once the first cells were established, contact with Warsaw became essential.
It so happened that at the time, by exceptionally fortuitous circumstances, a prisoner was released from the camp who was able to take Pilecki’s first report. Later reports were smuggled out by civilian workers employed in the camp. Another means was through prisoners who had decided to escape.
From the very start Pilecki’s principal aim was to take over Auschwitz concentration camp and free all the prisoners. He envisaged achieving this by having Home Army detachments attacking from the outside while cadre members of his Union of Military Organization, numbering around a thousand prisoners, would start a revolt from within. All his reports primarily concerned this matter. However, the Home Army High Command was less optimistic and did not believe such an operation to be viable while the Eastern Front was still far away.
In his diary Pilecki didn’t give the SS troopers much credit, and was certain that his organization could have taken control of the camp.
He waited for orders from the headquarters but at the same time the Germans started arresting members of Pilecki’s secret organization and he knew his time was up.
He also believed that if he could present “his case†in person some action would be taken.
Pilecki therefore felt it necessary to present his plans personally. This meant that he would have to escape from the camp, which he succeeded in doing with two other prisoners on 27th April 1943. Before the breakout Pilecki passed on his position within the camp organization to fellow inmate Henryk Bartoszewicz. However, neither his subsequent report nor the fact that he presented it in person altered the high command’s decision.
Fearing the reprisals on the entire Polish population was one of the reasons why such action was not allowed by the high command in London.
Another one was that there was no way to hide or to move such enormous number of people anywhere and with the Eastern Front still far away the whole project was considered unrealistic.
Witold Pilecki escaped from Auschwitz on the Easter Monday 1943, he also survived the Warsaw Uprising an the German POW camp in Germany.
He returned to Poland after the war and started organizing resistance
against the communists.
When he learnt that the Allies would not help to liberate Poland from the Soviets he started demobilizing the military underground organization.
It was then, that the communists arrested him.
Â
Pilecki - communist jail mug shots
Â
He was interrogated and tortured for many months. His finger nails were pulled out and his collarbones broken and he could hardly walk.
He never “talkedâ€.
After his process, which was a simple farce, he was sentenced to death by a firing squad.
There was no firing squad though.
The executioners dragged him the basement of the Security Headquarters building, into the boiler room.
He was gagged and could not walk.
They shot him with a single slug into the back of his head. He was buried somewhere on the rubbish tip next to the Powazki Cemetery.
His body was never found.
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